Such behavior further blurred the gray area between the cartels and the government and hindered the government's efforts against the cartels.45,46,47. The first element of conflict resolution is the creation of a regional architecture by the international community with a focus on assisting drug law enforcement in the region. She will be responsible for highlighting all drug corruption in Mexico so that it can be addressed, a step that is crucial to solving the drug conflict.
Peacekeeping could also be very successful in preventing attacks on civilians in Mexico. Mexico, are essential to protect civilians and allow facts about cartel activity to come to light.
Any additional governing bodies may be established by Northern Federation legislation in the future. This demonstrates the need for a strengthened approach to immediate and transparent implementation of all changes made in the North under the supervision of the impartial international community. Restoring security in the region would also allow for a return to tourism, which was once a major part of the economy in northern Mali.102 A more general commitment to stimulate stagnant economies is also needed.
By employing a multitude of different actions, different audiences are reached and persuaded, and various pillars of the opponent's support are affected. One important argument against the use of the non-violent approach is that the type of regime opposed is decisive in determining the success of the campaign. Another strength of the nonviolent approach is its ability to end the cycle of violence that is so common in the use of violent means.
Above all this is the main tension of the degree at which it means that the influence ends. From the point of view of Gandhi, the man who effectively started the spread of the non-violent approach to conflict, "The ends of human action are unpredictable, but the means used are concrete and certain."124 Therefore, the power of non-violent means . over violent methods lies in the resulting ability to end the reactionary cycle of violence. While ending the cycle of violence is an important strength of the nonviolent approach, speaking of 'violence' in this way emphasizes a very narrow definition of violence.
Moreover, it only brings up a discussion about the success of the approach in terms of achieving goals during a conflict. The best-known example of nonviolent protest, which led to the realization of nonviolence as a valid and successful approach to conflict, is that of the movement in India in the 1930s, led by Gandhi. An important observation is that rather than looking at the strengths and weaknesses of the nonviolent approach – or any approach for that matter – in isolation, it is more useful and practical to weigh them in relative terms compared to other approaches, in particularly violent approaches.
So nonviolence invites the world to redefine power; perhaps the 'power of the powerless' is a power stronger.
Ultimately, Kofi Annan's intention was to clarify the situation so that there was no confusion,140 but a better solution would have been to capitalize on the confusion. Al-Assad would have been less inclined to flout the rules if he was unsure of what the consequences were and who his allies were. The only way to resolve this would have been to somehow unite the competing groups under one banner and make concessions to the group as a whole.
Had Kofi Annan sat everyone down for crisis talks before the peace plan, the outcome might have been different. Pressure could have been put on al-Assad to resign, but this would not have been well received by the government. Al-Assad could have been asked to name a successor, but that would not have been satisfactory to the rebels.
Another area of improvement for Annan may have been to receive stricter penalties for non-compliance. Such a delay should have been deemed unacceptable and sanctions should again be imposed on the government for non-compliance. More troops would have been able to get into more regions, and more aid would have equaled fewer deaths, which in turn meant less fuel added to the conflict.
This essay has examined some of the strengths and weaknesses of the peace plan and outlined ways in which it could have been improved.
UN P EACEKEEPING
UN peacekeeping operations in 2012 involved more than 121,000 personnel in 17 missions, nine times more than operations in 1999.159 The transition from traditional peacekeeping to multidimensional peacekeeping has become broader and more complex, which in turn has led to more controversy over whether peacekeeping missions to be deployed. In some cases, a limited intervention is appropriate, while in others a more extensive mission is deployed, including infrastructure development, election monitoring and humanitarian assistance.168 Therefore, it is difficult to measure the overall success of UN peacekeeping operations. In a study published in 2004, Virginia Fortna found that 42 percent of civil wars reverted to conflict when no peacekeeping operations were deployed, compared to 39 percent with peacekeeping operations.169 Such statistics hardly support the success of peacekeeping, but there are many variables. which drastically increase the likelihood of a recurrence of civil wars regardless of the help of the international community.
The main challenges facing peacekeeping operations are reflected in the sustainability of military conflicts, such as those in Afghanistan, Somalia, Chad, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.174 Wright and Greig state that there is often a problem with the sustainability of a peacekeeping mission. . Intense conflicts create risks for peacekeeping personnel, as well as uncertainty about whether the UN mission will be able to make a difference, often leading to premature termination.176 In circumstances where peacekeeping can help control conflicts, it is unlikely to create lasting peace without assistance. many other actors. They argue that this approach is better for assessing whether peacekeeping operations should continue because it "conforms to the realistic assumption that some policies will work and others are bound to fail."179 They found that both governments and rebel groups support peacekeeping operations. UN forces. attempts to strengthen authority, but there was a clear lack of cooperation when it came to addressing human rights violations.180 In weighing the relative success of peacekeeping, it is important to recognize that peacekeepers are not usually deployed in situations where violent conflict occurs. finally ended.181 With this in mind, peacekeeping operations do not always lead to the desired outcome of lasting peace, but they often provide an environment in which a country achieves peace.
There are currently fifteen UN peacekeeping missions led by the Department of Peacekeeping Operations.189 By examining current stages of conflict worldwide, there may be potential for peacekeeping forces to be deployed in Libya and Syria. 189 United Nations, “Current Peacekeeping Operations,” United Nations website, August 11, 2013, http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/operations/current.shtml. However, similar obstacles have been seen in peacekeeping operations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which go far beyond traditional peacekeeping mandates.195.
Strengthening the relationship between UN peacekeeping operations and regional organizations will further increase the possibility of a successful transition to peace.
Depending on how it is used, mediation is potentially a very valuable approach to conflict management in developing countries. 202 United Nations Security Council, 2009, April 8, “Report of the Secretary-General on Strengthening Mediation and its Support Activities,” 10. Perhaps most fundamentally, especially if successfully implemented early, mediation can prevent many of the human and economic costs of conflict.203.
The purpose of mediation is to help find a middle ground between conflicting parties and, through mediated discussion, hopefully begin to address the root causes of the conflict in the long term. Who is involved, both as a mediator and in relation to the various parties to the conflict, can seriously influence the likelihood of a peaceful resolution. When it comes to the use of mediation at all stages of conflict, its effectiveness is almost always complemented by – or partly due to – the use of other simultaneous approaches.222 The process of facilitating a return to peace, of addressing the underlying causes of the Conflicts and the avoidance of the escalation of conflicts to the point of armed struggle in the first place, involve numerous social and political elements, and therefore require a diverse set of approaches to overcome the associated problems.
As a brief case study, this essay will discuss the likelihood of implementing a mediation approach in the case of the contemporary conflict in Mali. The breakaway of the more moderate branch of the Islamist group Ansar Dine at the beginning of the year, however, may have presented an opportunity to effectively use mediation to develop a strategy for achieving lasting peace in the region. In the case of the current conflict in Mali, there are many opportunities to use mediation to help resolve the crisis.
From the arguments presented in this paper, it is clear that, although there are inherent weaknesses in the reliable success of the approach, mediation is still considered an important and effective conflict management approach and is increasingly being considered.
The rebels are confined to a small area around Kidal, making it easier to monitor the crisis. Both sides have accused the other of human rights violations and the other of violating the terms of the Ouagadougou Agreement. The Malian government is strategically in a stronger position than the rebels, who still only control the small northern town of Kidal.
236 Agence France-Presse, 2013, August 5, "Mali Tuaregs threaten new uprising if no deal on autonomy," The National, http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/africa/mali-tuaregs -threaten-fresh -rebellion-if-no-agreement-on- autonomy. The fact that Tuaregs have been the most volatile minority group in Mali, despite representing a mere fraction of the total northern population, lends weight to the argument that identity, at least historically, has been a significant fuel for the recurring violence. 239 UN Human Rights Council, 2012, January 7, "Agenda items 2 and 4: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Mali,".
The MNLA does not represent the interests of the majority of Malians living in Azawad. Mali already has significant anti-corruption measures as a result of implementing some of the World Bank's recommendations in 2002. Some of the most inspiring programs are currently operating in some of the most unstable regions of the world.
Agenda items 2 and 4: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Mali.” Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the High Commissioner and the Secretary General.
