N
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rhe turs imie suo.,*,"I :l
:li.d,'j:.tYiffi ffi
Eisa .nd tnnsratioos.ArrcorspoodgecErdbeaddrsedtrheEdHl:ffrffjff:fl:tr:1ffitffi,?riwe3age2006,Auckrand r020,NewZeatand.
l. 'Making' is more appropriate than iust 'build', since touhi vo can Permeate the different stages of the fole's realisation:
conception, organisation internally and
externally on site, materialization and
building ethic.
2. The designation of rooms in a Tongan
fole does not flx one PUrPose to a room,
instead it demarcates a space for several
appropriate activities. Iouhi vo helps
to define what is'aPProPriate'for a
particular social engagement.
3. 'lnosi is a framework the author is
developing to present an indiSenous
understanding of why Tongans
appropriate non-oriSinal architecture;
this paper continues to build this
framework. Refer to 'llaiu (2009) for
further reading.
4. lronically the concerns of Loos and Le
Corbusier with'architectural baggage'
is already proven'nostalgic' in Tonga's
case, since the fole of the Tongan laymen
was inspired by non-original sources,
even before Western contact. The
more recent appropriations now include
the Western-styled fole, including fole
'Ameliko, sourced from industrialised
cities: Auckland, Honolulu etc ('llaiu
2009). This may be seen to comPlicate
the notion of architectural Primitivism
and simplicity implied in Loos and Le
Corbusier's commentaries.
Tauhi V[: The first space
Charmaine'llaiu
In memory of my kainga Tonga aboard the MV Princess Ashika tragically lost to
the moana aaaale durirrg the final course of this paper. I dedicate these reflections
of our tala'oTongatoyourpassing odwlthyourkainga'ofa'anga.'Ofaange'ae'Otua
ki Ne tataki ho'o fononga lolotonga 'etau mdttae, 'ofa atu.
lntroduction
In'weaving'
together an architectural, cultural, archaeological and anthropo-logical understanding of fale in Tonga, tauhi ad
-
maintaining beautiful socialrelations
-
is the essential underlying strand. Tauhi od motivates certainfakalahi,or
spatial enlargement s, tellteu, or materialisations, fakatokiloki, or designated2spaces, and the application
of
inasi.s 'lnasi is a Tongan practice of appropriat-ing architecture from non-original sources
to
advance indigenous intentions.Eqkalahi, fakalokiloki, teuteu and 'inasi become outcomes that are not exclusively
architectural, when tquhi aA informs fale architecture. Thus, the very concept of a
'primitive
hut'
key to Rykwert's thinking of architectural origins, may becomean erroneous opening for discussion of Tongan architectural origins. Rather,
such discussion could begin specifically
with
a Tongan understanding of 'firstspace': the realm ofkakai, or people and their society.
The closing remarks in Rykwert's book concerning
"
... why we build and whatwe
build
for ..."
gain pertinencein
this respect (1972: 192). Since laymen arethe primary commissioners and designers of domestic fale in Tonga, Rykwert's
appeal to an essential question of building can be responded to by investigating
the laymen's fale, as this paper aims to present. The question as to whether it is
the architect or
in
Adolf Loos's term, the "peasarrt" who holds more "tullericwisdorl'
or "Ausgeglichenheit"
(27); or a discussion of "first men" having, as LeCorbusier terms
i!
"unadulterated reason" remains aS a future discussionwith
respect to Tongan architecture and compalative studya (16). However, as a fun-
damental tenet of Tongan culture (Ka'ili 2007: 17), tauhi aA will unlikely be super-
ceded in the making of Tongan domestic architecture, whether it be a specialist
or layman who initiate s the fale.
Perhaps tauhi oa may be thought of, in Rykwert's terms, as a perpetuated'para-
digm of building'. But again there is a nuanced thought: tauhiadis not only about
'building' per se but the'making' of Tongan architecture. 'Making' here implies
a freedom to invent new architectural models rather than being fixed to arnodus
operandi of architecture. Tauhi za- substantiates these inventiont rejecting on the
one hand the loaded label of 'primitivism' and, on the other, a notion of making
as mere experiment. Guided by Tongan architectural history, the paradigm of
making shows thatlhe fale form certainly changes in correlations with Tongan's
tauhi aa in differing historical and socio-political settings.
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being and not necessarily a physical setting in which to reside. The architectural
outcomes of tauhi L,d carr be seen as attempts to achieve such paradi se: 'inasi,
teuteu, fakalokiloki and fakalahi. To ensure the integrity of tauhi ad, these architec-
tural attributes should not operate independently or be used to
justify
the tauhiaa of afale.
Tonga's 'uluaki, or hrstfale whiclu in Rykwert's terminology, may be thought of as
a 'primitive huti was not the now iconic and familiar fale Tonga (Fig. 1):
This structure has a curved roof ... [demarcatingJ an oval floor plan
[below]. The roof supported
by
an even number of pou;or
posts,arranged in a double row; offset from the perimeter of the house. On
top of these posts there are a series of cross beams, from which struts
rise to support the eaves. [The roof structure lashed beautifully using
' uli, black and kula, red coloured sennit.] Non-structu ral p ou and. p ola
panels, or plaited coconut and sometimes sugarcane leaves enclose
the circular interior. The main entry was a curtained opening, rocated
centrally in one of the longer wall spans. Often there are side open-
ings through the round ends
into
the leke, or private rooms.(Ilaiu
2007:26)
Although thisfaleTongawas popularized asthe paradigm for domestic buildings
from the nineteenth century until the late twentieth century, narratives collected
by contemporary historians, architectural researchers and commentaries of early
explorers identify earlier buildings as Tonga's 'uluaki fale (potungaue Ako 2005;
Kaloni 1990; Tuita 1988; Ferdon 1987; Anderson 1983; Anderson
in
Cook 1955-67; Ellis 1782). Today the domesti c fale Tonga is rarely commissioned by families
andmany fale Tonga are left dilapidated or used only as ancillary structures to a
new westernfale ('rlafu2007:26-68). This suggests that Tongan laymen no longer
consider the fale Tonga as the ideal physical representation of their 'api. Certainly
Tongans have moved onto other fale models to support their fatongia of tauhi od,
such as fale 'Amelika that
will
be discussedin
concluding this paper. Thus, theonce paradigmatic formal model of the fale Tonga coupled
with
its antecedentforebears and its non-first-house statug complicates a simple transposition of
Rykwert's understanding of the primitive hut as the image of perpetual recon-
struction to a Tongan setting. Rather the Tongan/ale is conceived first inthekakai
space of tauhi ad, before it can be considered as a structural translation into the
realm of architecture.
Tauhi
yomakes architecture
The nuances of tauhi ad are best understood through Tongan conduct and cere-
monies in customisedfatongia. The designated ritual areas, the movement paths,
arranged seating areas and the various tasks outlinedby fatongia organize afale,s
layout accordingly. Existing fale are modified over time to suit and new build-
ings are acquired or constructed because they help inhabitants carry out their
fatongia of tauhi od. As a corollary discussiory the architectural outcomes of tauhi
aa: fakalahi, fakalokiloki, teuteu and 'inasi are therefore the architectural means to
fulhl tquhi ad.Itis important to acknowledge that eachfale has its time and place
in Tongan architectural history. Tauhi ad can influence the fale's conception from
original or non-original sourceg considered in terms
of
inasi, teuteu or the materi-alisation of the fale, the fakalokilokr or designated spaces and its increased scale or
fakalahi, as it responds to the specffic sociaf cultural and political milieu of thefale.
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'Ilaiu 2009."
8. A contemporary temporal structure
used for shade from the mid-day heat at
plantations is called fale Hunuki; how-
ever its stylistic variety and scale indi-
cates only nominal connections.
The fale faka-Funa (Fig.4) perhaps contemporaneous with the fale Hunuki, contin-
ued the tradition of wall and roof being one architectural element. Tuita points
out that the fale Hunuki differed with the inclusion of two posts in the ,, ... centre
of each end with a beam across on top ... " (Tuita 19gg: 4l). However, the fale faka-
Funa was achieved " . . . by using curved posts
-
two in each end facing inward toform an arch-type structure ... " with harvested vegetation covering this curving
structure (Tuita 1988: 41), as the fale Hunuki's slanting roof allowed only a small
volume of space at the rear end and was only used for sleeping. Thefalefaka-Funq,s
arching structure provided a uniform and again larger interior space, particu-
larly with the two end posts now eliminated. Clearly, these'uluakifale expressthe
occupant's persistent desire for fakalahi.
Professor Futa
Helq
a renowned Tongan scholar, suggests that prior to west-ern contact the idea of the nuclear family in Tonga did not exist:
"It
was neversociety ...
"
since it is only a social unit that is"
...on the way to society" (Helu7999:123). He elaborates on his position by emphasizing that Tongan society was
made up of
"
... interacting groups of people ... " of shared interests (Helu 1999:127-724). This understanding helps to explain the small scale of earl ier fale, which
according to the available narratives must have accommodated approximately
one to four reclined people at most. These hrstfale would have operated as an en-
tity within a larger community of buildings. Hence tauhi oahadto operate more
outwardly suggesting residents nurtured their ad with others beyond the walls
of their ownfale. This is conceivable since daily activities were more communal,
operating on an outdoor mala'e, or open space or under larger structures. These
may have been the double-height buildings that the early European explorer
Ellis describes in his accounts as being
"
... hfty to sixty feet long, but only fromsixteen to eighteen feet wide" (Ellis 1782: 25; Ferdon 79g7:7g; Barnes and Green
2008:29).The early fale is thus conceived of as a place of solitude where a person
may look after her internal ad by, for example, being still and resting from sun.
Regardless of their scale and simple constructiory fale faka-Hekeheke, fale Hunuki,
fale faka-Funa are significant in their accord with tauhi ad.
Archaeology settlement patterns would assist
in
developing a greater under-standing of how tauhi od organised the community of early fale.However Tongan
archaeological records extend currently to ancestral and historical narratives,
comprising information about burial grounds, road systems and floor depths of
singular fale floors (Barnes and Green 2009;Burrey 199g; spennemann 19g7). The
raised floors are said to have been between 0.15m and 0.30m thick (spennemann
7988: 40), which oratory and historical accounts explain were layers of sennit,
coconut leaves and then woven pandanus mats (Lolo 2o0z; Ferdon 19g7: 20;
Cook 1955-67). Unlike samoa's house mounds, which distinguish the house of
a chief from the commoner, archaeological evidence on Tongatapu suggests that
Tongans did not build large mounds for their chiefs (Barnes and Green 200g).
Instead, one excavation revealed a sequence of layers of the normal type and
thickness, representing 13 house floors. This indicates that Tongans constructed
their houses in one location over a long period of time (spennemann 19gg: 41).
TJae fale's fixed position and preferred site highlights
an
'api,s connection tofonua, or land and the favourable ud to others in the vicinity, such as the chief,s
'api
(rlaiu
2007: 20). These 'uluaki fale were no longer built8, from perhaps theearly nineteenth century when other fale types became more desirable. How-
ever, the 'uluaki fale did set an architectural precedence of fakalahi for the next
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Fig. 6: Fale faka-Fisi. Courtesy of Potungaue Ako (Ministry of
Education, Tonga) 2005
Fig. 7: Putu, or funeral ceremony in aillage
of Pea. Lioing room conaelted into a focal
area of ceremony where deceased lies.
Photo: 'llaiu 2007, Tonga
The fale Fa'qhiua was popular between 1820 and the early 1830s (Gailey 1987:178-
188; Tuita 1988:43-45). Tuita suggests a relationship between Tongan contempo-
rary social hierarchy and the verticality of the fale. He interpret s the fale's vertical
elevation off the ground as a Tongan desire to be free from customary social pres-
sures and from being "buried" in their earlier low lying dwellings (46). Tuita's
interpretation refers to the earlier obligations to chiefs, which the kingship gov-
ernment centralised with one line of royalty and selected nobles. Tongan people,
having been released from their many chiefly obligations, could now focus their
efforts on their own family and fale. Thrs the fale Fa'ahiua reflects this interesting
shift, the structural complexity suggesting the strengthening networks
within
the local vicinity. The fale Fs'shiua's structural verticality, complex roof structure,
jointing and cladding systems reflect the wealth of ideas, skills and labour avail-
able in the community to build an'api's fale. The building process is an important
time for tauhi ztL, and involves many opportunities for kainga and neighbours to
fulhl fatongia. For example, to ensure an efficient working party, a prior fatongia
involves collecting raw materials to fabricate the building elements, such as coco-
nut fronds, which are then plaited to create the wall cladding. Another important
ad for the host family to tauhi is the harvesting and preparation of food for the la-
bourers during these weeks of construction (Gifford 1929:145). This community
build encouraged neighbours to tauhi aa. Assisting a neighbour's fale reciprocally
secured workers for one's ownfale.
Touhi
viizfole for kin
The z;fr between tuonga'ane and tuofefine,
ot
a brother and sister is historicallythe most esteemed relationship
in
Tongan society, nurtured by faka'apa'apa orrespect (Helu 1997: 727).In particular for architecture, the faka'apa'apa between
tuonga'ane and tuofefine organises where each kin sleeps and, to some extent, how
they dwell. For example, at the onset of puberty the brother moves to the most
distant sleeping quarter from his sister as a sign of faka'apa'apa. In doing so, the
brother's tquhi ad maintains good relations with his sister and parents, whilst he
is acknowledged and respected reciprocally for his appropdate Tongan etiquette.
During the popularity of fale Fa'ahiua, another model
-
t}rre fale faka-Fisi-
wasappropriated from Fiji (Fig. 6) (Potungaue Ako 2005: 44). As an example
of
inasi,Tongan people manako, or found the Fljianfule appealing because it was stronger.
It
also offered more room than the fale Ea'ahhu and was fakalokiloki, or organ-ised into rooms (44). Thus, according to this naratir.e, the fale faka-Flsl set the
precedence for the iconic fale Tonga, as described earliel, with rooms on curved
ends and a general central space. Tfus fakalokit*i supported the tsuhi ztdbetween
tuonga'ane and tuofefine because the sister and brother can sleep separately when
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ll. Fole faka-Tongo is interchangeable
with fale longo described earlier and fole
Hou, or the fole of the King. These two
models became the principle,traditional,
fole Tongo buildings because they were
the most widely buil
