IDEOLOGIES OF
THE JAKARTA POST
’
S NEWS ON
CORRUPTION OF SURYADHARMA ALI AND SUTAN
BHATOEGANA: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
A Thesis
Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
to Obtain the Ma gister Huma nior a (M.Hum.) Degree
in English Language Studies
by
Putri Adinihaqi Chusnul Chotimah 136332028
THE GRADUATE PROGRAM OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY
IDEOLOGIES OF
THE JAKARTA POST’
S NEWS ON
CORRUPTION OF SURYADHARMA ALI AND SUTAN
BHATOEGANA: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
A Thesis
Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
to Obtain the Ma gister Huma nior a (M.Hum.) Degree
in English Language Studies
by
Putri Adinihaqi Chusnul Chotimah 136332028
THE GRADUATE PROGRAM OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In the middle of 2013, I decided to move to Yogyakarta and accidentally
continued my study in English. Being enrolled as a student at Sanata Dharma
University is Qodr, a gracious fate. I believe to Allah the Most Beneficent and the
Most Merciful that my decision to study English linguistics, though hard and
difficult to do, can bring Barakah to many people especially me.
I express so much thank for my thesis advisor Dr. B. B. Dwijatmoko,
M.A. His friendly and kind-hearted manners show his integrity not only to teach but also to educate me. Being helped, pushed, supported and motivated by him
gives me a chance to do and to finish this CDA research. I also thank the thesis
reviewers Dr. Fr. B. Alip, M. Pd., M. A and Dr. E. Sunarto, M. Hum. because
their help does really improve my writing. I express so much thank to the lecturers
in this department, Prof. Soepomo Poedjoseodarmo, M.A., FX. Mukarto, Ph.D.,
Dr. F. X. Siswadi, M.A., Dr. J. Bismoko, and Dr. Novita Dewi, M. S., M. A. (Hons).
I also express my gratitude to Dr. Alb. Budi Susanto, S. J., Dr. J.
Haryatmoko, S.J., and Dr. G. Budi Subanar, S.J. They gave me many lecturers and discussions about philosophy, culture and social disciplines.
Afterward these opportunities helped me to think beyond my knowledge in English
education and language.
My deepest gratitude goes to – ignoring R. M. in his initial name – H.
Dady Sukoco. I am very blessed being his daughter and grateful for his support to finance also to share many ideas and much time. I also express my tender words to
Hj. Sri Haryaningsih. Her blessing and prayer bring me to this stairway. The last but not the least, I thank my siblings, Nur Hasanah S.Pd., Marfuatun a.k.a
Mbak Dheno, Atiiqa Hidayah R. A. Amd., M. Anhari Agung W. S.Pd., my
beloved little sister, Fauziah Nuri W., my brothers The Late Hendra and Affan,
my handsome lovely nephews Fakih, Azka, Athalla, Syauqi, Azzam and Kynan
My gratefulness also goes to my classmates in KBI 2013 class A, B and
C especially Bundo Maria Wulandari and Cik Vivi Muryanti also in Linguistics
class, Mbak Mimi, Mbak Rina, Mas Ryan, Mas Tangguh, Joan, Nita, Adria,
and Rieta. To KBI staff, Mbak Lely, Siwi, Mbak Marni, Elly and Pak Mul thank
you for helping me during my academic time. Finally, I also thank those whom I
cannot mention one by one. My prayers are directed to all of you. May the
Almighty give you all goodness in health, wealth, family and life path. Amen!
DEDICATION PAGE
inna ma‟al-„usri yusrā
Indeed, with hardship [will be] ease.
fa idzā faragta fanshab‟
So when you have finished [your duties], then stand up [for worship].
[QS. Ash-Sharh: Verse 6-7]
innalloha ma‟ash-shobiriin
Indeed, Allah is with the patient
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE ... i
ADVISOR APPROVAL PAGE ... ii
APPROVAL PAGE ... iii
STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY………..………..iv
LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI KARYA ILMIAH UNTUK KEPENTINGAN AKADEMIS ………v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... vi
DEDICATION PAGE... viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ... ix
LIST OF TABLES ... xi
LIST OF APPENDICES ... xii
ABSTRACT ... xiii
ABSTRAK ... xv
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ... 1
1.1 Background of the Study ... 1
1.2 Research Questions ... 12
1.3 Research Objectives ... 12
1.4 Research Benefits ... 15
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ... 18
2.1 Theoretical Review ... 18
2.1.1 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) ... 18
2.1.2 Ideology ... 26
2.1.3 Language and Symbolic Power ... 28
2.1.4 Media Discourse ... 31
2.1.5 Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG) ... 32
2.1.6 Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) ... 35
2.2 Related Studies ... 39
2.3 Theoretical Framework ... 43
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ... 46
3. 1 Type of the Study ... 46
3.3 Data Analysis ... 50
3.4 Analytical Framework for CDA ... 52
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS ... 55
4.1 Social Wrongs ... 56
4.2 Obstacles to Social Wrong Being Tackled ... 62
4.2.1 The Network of (Social) Practices ... 63
4.2.2 The Relationship of Semiosis to Other Social Elements ... 76
4.2.3 The Discourse or Semiosis ... 81
4.3 The Place of Social Wrong ... 92
4.4 Possible Ways Past the Obstacles ... 93
4.5 Critical Reflection ... 100
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS ... 102
5.1 Conclusions ... 102
5.2 Suggestions ... 110
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1 SFG Analysis of Verbal Process ... 30
Table 4.1 Summary of the Ideologies and Language Strategies in SDA Articles ... 61
Table 4.2 Binary Semic of Humphrey Djemat‘s Propositions ... 72
LIST OF APPENDICES
APPENDIX 1 Suryadharma gets cold feet, skips KPK summons ... 97
APPENDIX 2 Suryadharma defies KPK summons, again ... 99
APPENDIX 3 Ex-minister aims to repeat Budi‘s success ... 101
APPENDIX 4 KPK detains Sutan Bhatoegana ... 103
APPENDIX 5 KPK locks up flamboyant Democratic Party cofounder ... 104
APPENDIX 6 Dems not surprised with Sutan‘s arrest ... 106
APPENDIX 7 Three Dimensional Framework Analysis in the Article ―Suryadharma gets cold feet, skips KPK summons‖ on February 5th, 2015 ... 107
APPENDIX 8 Three Dimensional Framework Analysis in the Article ―Suryadharma defies KPK summons, again‖ on February 11st, 2015 ... 111
APPENDIX 9 Three Dimensional Framework Analysis in the Article ― Ex-minister aims to repeat Budi‘s success‖ on February 24th, 2015... 114
APPENDIX 10 Three Dimensional Framework Analysis in the Article ―KPK detains Sutan Bhatoegana‖ published on February 2nd, 2015………... 117
APPENDIX 11 Three Dimensional Framework Analysis in the Article ―KPK locks up flamboyant Democratic Party cofounder‖ published on February 3rd, 2015... 118
ABSTRACT
Putri Adinihaqi Chusnul Chotimah. 2016. Ideologies of The Jakarta Post’s News on Suryadharma Ali’s and Sutan Bhatoegana’s Corruption Case: A Critical
Discourse Analysis. Yogyakarta: The Graduate Program on English Language
Studies, Sanata Dharma University
This study employs Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) that examines the ideologies of The Jakarta Post (TJP) reporting corruption cases of Suryadharma Ali (SDA), the former religious affairs minister, and Sutan Bathoegana (SB), the former head of Commission VII on energy at the House of Representatives. The lexicogrammatical choices in the news text determine how TJP put itself in the middle of discourse flow especially about corruption of SDA and SB in order to attain critical understanding of the news analysis.
Since this study is CDA study, the employment of a linguistic tool ‗Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG)‘ is applied to further find the language features as evidences while conducting the discourse analysis. Two research questions remain to start the analysis in this study. The first question is What social wrongs do The Jakarta Post texts reveal in Suryadharma Ali‟s and Sutan Bhatoegana‟s corruption case? and the second is What ideologies do The Jakarta Post texts reflect in Suryadharma Ali‟s and Sutan Bhatoegana‟s corruption case?
There are some theories that are used to answer the research question: critical discourse analysis, ideology, language and symbolic power, media discourse, Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG), Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK/Komisi Pemberantas Korupsi) and The Jakarta Post (TJP). Those theories are related to one another in order to frame the analysis of ideology and discursive practice in the news articles.
The analytical framework helps this research to analyze the data by using three-dimensional framing of Fairclough. In the textual analysis, SFG is intentionally used to describe the meanings of ideational (field), interpersonal (tenor) and textual (mode). The transitivity analysis of material, mental, verbal, relational and existential processes is employed in the ideational metafunction. The modality analysis is employed in the interpersonal metafunction, meanwhile conjunction and topic (thematic) analyses are in the textual metafunction. The findings of language features from textual analysis are used to interpret the discursive practice then the results are used to explain in the analysis of socio-cultural practice. The criticism is produced by employing five stages of Roy Bhaskar‘s explanatory critique after these three dimensions of framing finish to be analyzed.
From the results of mode analysis, language strategies are then produced as discourse elements. The language strategies of journalists are indicated as discursive practice. They are focus on the actor‟s defiance and scared of KPK detention, focus on actor‟s trivial things to avoid the law enforcement, being strict to the law enforcement, focus on the contradiction, focus on the propaganda action and emphasize the KPK obedience to the law / legal process. The reproduction and the representation of corruption discourse are definitely found after these strategies show up on social practice analysis dealing with ideology.
situation to KPK and charge denials of KPK. On the other hand, the ideologies from SB news articles are the powerful KPK and limitation of KPK‟s authority. The set of beliefs that TJP puts in corruption discourse will support mostly the readers especially the foreigner readers‘ point of view about Indonesia socio-political condition which influence the economy stability in the country. This study finally shows that TJP contributions can support not only the powerless, minor, marginalized and/or discriminated KPK within the claim of degrading KPK authority in the draft revision of the Commission Law no. 30/ 2002 controlling and supervising the systematical working of KPK itself but also to support KPK becoming more powerful in order to eradicate corruption.
Keywords: Systemic Functional Grammar, Critical Discourse Analysis,
ABSTRAK
Putri Adinihaqi Chusnul Chotimah. 2016. Ideologies of The Jakarta Post’s News on Suryadharma Ali’s and Sutan Bhatoegana’s Corruption Case: A Critical
Discourse Analysis. Yogyakarta: Program Pascasarjana Kajian Bahasa Inggris,
Universitas Sanata Dharma.
Penelitian in menggunakan Analisa Wacana Kritis (AWK) yang meneliti tentang ideologi The Jakarta Post (TJP) dalam pemberitaan kasus korupsi Suryadharma Ali (SDA), mantan menteri agama dan Sutan Bathoegana (SB), mantan ketua komisi VII DPR. Pemilihan leksikogramatika dalam teks berita menentukan leberpihakan TJP dalam arus wacana terutaman mengenai korupsi SDA dan SB.
Dikarenakan penelitian ini adalah penelitian AWK, penggunaan alat bahasa yaitu Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG sebagai pisau bedahnya agar dapat mencari fitur bahasa sebagai bukti ketika menganalisa wacana yang ada. Dua perumusan masalah digunakan untuk memulai analisa penelitian ini. Pertanyaan pertama adalah Masalah sosial apa yang muncul dalam teks berita koran The Jakarta Post guna mengungkap kasus korupsi Suryadharma Ali dan Sutan Bhatoegana? dan kedua adalah Ideologi apa yang teks berita koran The Jakarta Post refleksikan dalam kasus korupsi Suryadharma Ali dan Sutan Bhatoegana?
Beberapa teori digunakan untuk dapat membantu menjawab perumusan masalah: analisa wacana kritis, ideologi, bahasa dan kekuatan simbolis, wacana media, Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG), Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) dan The Jakarta Post (TJP). Teori-teori ini berhubungan satu dengan yang lain guna membingkai analisa ideologi dalam artikel berita.
Kerangka analitis membantu peneliti menganalisa data menggunakan tiga dimensi bingkai milik Fairclough. Dalam analisis teks, SFG sengaja digunakan untuk menjelaskan makna ideational (field), interper sonal (tenor) dan textual (mode). Analisis transitivity dari material, mental, verbal, relational dan existentia l process digunakan dalam ideational metafunction. Analisis modality digunakan dalam interpersonal metafunction, sedangkan kata hubung (conjunction) dan topic (thematic) analysis digunakan dalam textual metafunction. Di dalam analisis proses, penemuan fitur bahasa dari analisis tekstual digunakan untuk menafsirkan praktek wacana dan kemudian hasilnya digunakan untuk menjelaskan analisis praktek sosial. Kritik dihasilkan kemudian dengan menggunakan lima tahap explanatory critique milik Roy Bhaskar setelah analisa tiga dimensi pembingkaian berita milik Fairclough.
Dari hasil analisis tekstual metafungsi, strategi bahasa diproduksi sebagai element wacana. Strategi bahasa jurnalis diindikasikan sebagai praktek wacana, yaitu: fokus terhadap penyangkalan dan ketakutan aktor akan penjara KPK, fokus terhadap hal sepele untuk menghindari penegakan hukum, tegas pada proses penegakan hukum, fokus terhadap kontradiksi, fokus terhadap propaganda dan menekankan pada kepatuhan KPK terhadap hukum. Reproduksi dan representasi dari wacana korupsi ditemukan setelah strategi tersebut muncul dalam analisis praktek sosial yang berhubungan dengan ideologi.
pemberitaan SB adalah KPK institusi yang kuat dan pembatasan kewenangan KPK. Keyakinan yang TJP masukkan dalan wacana korupsi akan menciptakan sudut pandang pembaca khususnya pembaca asing mengenai kondisi sosial politik di Indonesia yang dapat mempengaruhi stabilitas ekonomi dan demokrasi di negara ini. Penelitian ini akirnya dapat menunjukkan bahwa kontribusi TJP dapat mendukung tidak hanya ketidakberdayaan KPK dalam kaitannya mengenai kasus pelemahan KPK dalam draft revisi UU KPK no.30/2002 mengontrol dan mengawasi sistematika kerja KPK tetapi juga mendukung KPK supaya lebih kuat dalam mencegah dan memberantas korupsi.
Kata Kunci: Systemic Functional Grammar, Analisa Wacana Kritis, Komisi
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This introductory part presents the research background, research questions,
research objectives and research benefits. Research background represents why
the study of the topic is worth to study. Research questions are specified to
explain what matters this study has to answer. The purposes of this study are
clarified in the research objectives. Research benefits are complementary to
define so that the readers can relate their ideas with the benefits presented here.
1.1 Background of the Study
The issue of corruption especially for the political purpose in Indonesia
continues to make daily headlines in many Indonesian media and generates much
heated debate and fierce discussion. The answers are still searched for the
questions of corruption whether it has been roots in traditional pre-colonial
societies, the Dutch colonial era, the Japanese occupation (1942-1945) or the
subsequent independent Indonesian governments.
Related to the previous paragraph that political corruption is still unknown
when it is started, an important thing is still believable that certain people who are
able to control the hegemony is dominating and prospering in certain circumstance,
in spite of, battling for the citizens‘ interest and welfare. Through social and
political context, power conducts the more powerful and dominating agents to
influence the powerless and being dominated people behavior both consciously
and unconsciously. It is the main element of how a discourse indicates
tactics in communication, the politician who act as a professional have
been successfully persuade or argue the media and its reader depend on, what
Bourdieu (1991) says, the accumulation of capitals he acquires and the historical
experience of nation. The politician step in a discourse successfully contributes
to the object (political practice). It can make slight dividing-line between political
consciousness and unconsciousness, also, only the agent of change can make a
breakthrough about many political actions or practices that by using a critical
analysis; the existence of discursive practice in the discourse involving
domination, inequality and power imbalance (van Dijk, 1997).
A discourse has never been autonomous anymore if there is still no
analysis production of objectivity. Bourdieu (2010: 170) claimed it as the
two-fold sense of what goes without saying and what cannot be said for lack of an
available discourse. A critical discourse analysis (CDA) actually is totally
opposed and different to the discourse analysis. A CDA analysis has a purpose to
take side to a position with the discriminated and / or powerless group. The
subjectivity is produced in judging certain practices whether the researcher gives
resistance, opposition, complementarity, etc. For instance, the flow of story in a
news article ―Suryadharma Unaware of Haj Graft‖ in The Jakarta Post (TJP) on
May, 8th 2014 can be used as a bridge to analyze the intertextuality between one to
another corruption practices. ―Suryadharma‘s unaware‖ statement is controlled by
the journalist based on the factual events of ―Haj Graft‖ to represent a narration of
corruption, collusion and nepotism. TJP can persuade the reader that Suryadharma
is giving a mark of being innocent and having hands cleaned. However, a text
about power imbalance in governmental structure. In this matter, the
chronological events must be on the logical and systematical way so that redlines
around the corruption discourse is found. For the simplification, an article has an
interrelationship with other articles to gather specific information, in this case,
Suryadharma‘s corruption case.
The term authority is often applied for domination in political power,
perceived as a legitimate business. On the other hand, power can be also seen as
injustice manner for domination (Joseph, 2006) and the exercise of imbalance
power is still accepted as a deadly virus to humans as social beings. Criminals
who commit crimes and the status is still a witness or suspect under corruption
investigation, are possible to break the rules because of his political power and
capitals accumulation he has. He also can speak any ―tongue-twister‖ because his
ability on using the artful language used so that the quality of messages might
influence public attitude.
However, the law has its authority as the more powerful body to arrest. For
example, now, the constraint of Indonesia corruptor can stand under the Law of
KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission) since Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
the Indonesia president in 2004-2014 has made it as the most powerful body
charged with the tasks and responsibilities of eradicating Corruption matter, also
involving graft, bribe, collusion and nepotism in Indonesia society. Having the
legitimation to act under KPK legislation, this body is also supported by
professional national and international independent third parties so that it can
work efficiently. In addition, the complex strategic to watch every corruptor
investigations in order to get arrest sooner the corruptor. Media as public
representation, especially TJP in reporting corruption cases, also plays a role in
supporting KPK by giving the transparencies of information to the public so that
its news can make the reader believes the ideologies behind its text article.
Indirect communication is successfully delivered from the sayer to the
receiver if the participant, known as Media, also successfully processes the
message/idea and informs it exactly. In order to be able to report and to interpret the
utterances of corruptor as a political actor while speaking to the public, journalists
as a participant in the communication contexts play a part to contribute to certain
belief so the reader or audience can assume and assure about the corruption, the
existent of crime phenomenon.
The two main problems of this paper rely on, first, the framing of the
language used in The Jakarta Post (TJ P) news article especially about the
corruption cases of Suryadharma Ali and of Sutan Bathoegana. The framing is
intended absolutely to provoke disagreement over the phenomenon of corruption
in Indonesia, so that can lead news reader to the certain ideologies. Related to the
anti-corruption movement, van Dijk in Putz (2004: 5) has dubbed this perspective
as belief systems. The journalists and KPK, however, as the subject of matter and
the corruptors as the object of matter have their own cognitive concept and
ideology to present their own existence in the mediated political discourse, in
which politics is seen by Media as the processes of ‗external‘ determination of
professional political discourse (Fairclough in Bell, 1998: 146). KPK has its
legitimation to be the most powerful body, on the other hand, the corrupt
conclusion, TJP as the newspaper media has its own authorization in reproduce
the experiences and react fairly the representation of world into a piece of
newspaper text based on the interpretation of existence, whether it is something
or someone.
The second problem is how vocabulary choices and well-ordered
sentences in building up sequences of discourse are intended to design and to
produce corruption news articles. Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG)
concerns to how meanings are made in different contexts. Halliday (2004)
defines three metafunctional languages of the grammatical system used by the
speaker/writer to rely on human experience. First is ideational metafunction
which function of the grammar is ‗language as reflection‘. Starting from his
function focuses on ‗language as action‘ how the language used in a text
cannot be abused or misused by the language users because it presents the
representation of the world. Second is interpersonal metafunction which
function is ‗language as exchange‘. There is a transaction between speaker
and listener. The subject is responsible for the validity of what he is saying
about Object. Third is textual metafunction which focuses on how language
creates discourse. When the grammar is represented systematically, it constructs
not only discourse sequences but also the discursive flow, cohesion, and
continuity due to the contexts where the function can mean purpose or way
of using language. Those three different functional configurations can make
up separate strands of meaning but their relationship construes the whole
united meaning of corruption phenomenon objectively. Bourdieu (2010) calls
play roles in determining the authority of the text instead of free from its producer
(writer and utterer).
Between actor and participant, there must be a relevant participant who can
take part in the discourse to be criticized, intend to be delivered to audiences or
readers. They act as the recipient of politics information (van Dijk 1993: 13). This
statement points clearly to the students of linguistics in playing the role as the
agent of change to sound the independent judgment about ideological critic in
what the journalists reveal about the political corruption. It proposes producing an
autonomous text – objectivity – based on the important ―real-life experience‖
meaning. Bourdieu (2010: 170) terms this condition as epoche (French) or epoch
(English). It means that a language analyst must take a distance to make
trajectory of interpretation buildings by using structural analysis, instead of
bracketing the text.
The clauses, not only sentences, are bracketing to speak publicly ―Words
wreak havoc‖. That means Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) occurs ―when
they (words) find a name for what had up to be namelessly‖ (Sartre in Bourdieu
2008:170) and are reproducing truth in rhetorical frameworks of explicature and
implicature (Joseph, 2006: 110-112 and Huang, 2007: 187-197). Fairclough
(2010) clarifies the clear ideological text are potentially having: features of
vocabulary and metaphors, grammar, presuppositions and implicatures,
politeness conventions, speech-exchange system, generic structure, and style.
This paper tends also to focus on what Halliday, McIntosh, and Strevens (1964 in
Halliday 2004: 33-34) believe in the essence that the environment of meanings
linguistic features of mode, field and tenor indicated as multi-dimensional
semiotic space are applied to analyze Suryadharma Ali and Sutan Bathoegana the
ex-ministers corruption news article of TJP. By employing SFG, the researcher
wishes the systemic structural analysis behind the text can be found objectively.
Because of the readers‘ authority in receiving information; various assumptions
between ‗agree‘ and ‗disagree‘ ‒ probably be just neutral ‒ can appear and
reproduce the text they have already read. Since it is impossible for CDA
researcher to criticize objectively the ideology found in the text, the analysis of
CDA must be sit-in certain subjectivity to prove the truth, revealing ideology.
In analyzing the clauses of a news article in TJ P, Halliday‘s transitivity is
used as a fundamental and powerful semantic concept. It generally refers to the
representational meaning of the clause to show how language users encode in a
language their mental picture of reality (assumptions) and how they account for
their experience of the world around them (presupposit ions). Since transitivity
is dealt with the transmission of ideas, it is considered to fall within the realm of
the ideational function (field values) of language.
Halliday‘s transitivity is concerned also with propositional meanings and
functions of syntactic elements. The language users play roles to a large amount
of the social impact that represents states of being, action, events, and situations
concerning a given society. The concept is the speaker or writer, in this case, in a
news article, makes the choice from available options to state. It means that his
opinion and point of view are ideologically significant and consistent, e.g. by
using of certain modality and tense (tenor) as a means to build the relationship
a number of witnesses and experts [to convince the panel of judges at the court].
The inclination modulation would is used to express the writer‘s intention to state
the earlier doing-and-happening legal move of corruption suspect while the verb
present refers to present tense.
The textual metafunction (mode values) relates to the construction of the
text. It means that an enabling or facilitating function construe experience and
enact interpersonal relations so the sequence of discourse, the discursive flow,
cohesion, and continuity enable to be built up along the context, above the text.
The division between semiotic and social activities, between linguistic and
semiotic (in language context) activities, the rhetoric, dialogic or monologic turn,
written or spoken turn, and channel whether phonic or graphic can be facilitated
through mode. In the constraint of meaning, Halliday defines the Theme
functions to point the departure for the message. It is the element the speaker
selects for ‗grounding‘ what he is going on to say. For example, the using of
Unmarked Theme in the clause: and that he committed none of the offenses...
The underlined is Unmarked because it has a function as the subject, nominalized
clause as Head. On the other hand, in the clause: and that he committed none of
the offenses the KPK has accused him of. The underlined is Marked and it
indicates that this nominalized clause is Complementizer and has a function as
the Head, while ‗the KPK‘ is the independent subject but categorized in Rheme.
In the realm of dogmatic CDA, as the language users, news media make
the sum of reports about the proposition from corruptor‘s utterances into both
reported and quoted speech. It means that this condition can be used for the valid
Newspaper articles also provide abundant examples of the ideological
significance. This paper intentionally makes overt The Jakarta news writers‘
concept in constructing and evaluating a report related to political participants
and actors in a news text. Due to the process of assuming corruption scandal,
there must be part(s) of event that needs(s) to be deleted or added in order to
make a logical and a chronological story.
A problem appears when the journalists are commonly non-native English
speakers in which their English ability must be in the same degree of natives‘
English competence to make a good arranged of English news text. Although
their mental lexicons are different with the English natives, their ideas and
structures of writing hereby are built in the realm of English language. It can make
sense that the journalists can influence the English readers to (dis)agree about the
corruption scandals or cases. Van Dijk (1997) states that basic frameworks of
social cognition should be able shared by members of social groups and three
kinds of unconscious human elements of cognition in order to cover news
writers‘ ideologies can be met. His three-previous-terms are a symbol,
representation, and language. They are best indicators in constitute and organize
an ideological scheme that represents self-definition of a group. In addition,
Fairclough (1998) optimizes that the lexis and rhetoric on the language used of
news article do not only represent symbol but also power to dominate others.
For simplification, the text has a mean to construct a language which is
intended for hegemonic control.
Since this study tends to be more mediated political discourse, the
the previous studies. Here two researchers who are interested in analyzing the
discourse analysis of Media by using SFG as the fundamental of structural
analysis to conduct a CDA study as the approach to use. The first is Matu and
Lubbe (2007). They examine the application of two approaches from discourse
analysis, that is, the ideological square from CDA which analyzes consistency
and relevancy of Kenya print media‘s idea; and transitivity of Halliday. The
component of SFG in the representational clause analysis of political parties in
the 1997 elections intend to show how political groups in the sense of us vs them
and the representational processes of transitivity can construct ideological
discourse.
The second is Akinwotu (2014). He compares only the discursive strategies
in the media interviews of participants in the January 2012 crisis on the removal
of fuel subsidy in Nigeria. The framework of CDA examines a total of ten media
interviews of government spokespersons and protesters on the rationality of
government‘s action. His research shows that the government spokespersons
deploy blackmail containing opinion and defensive rhetoric, while protesters
utterances are characterized as a threat to government by using combat and
condemnatory rhetoric. Manipulative persuasion strategies of solidarity and
framing are significantly used by those parties.
It is interesting since Corruption Discourse is an integrated part of Political
Discourse which is mediated through the media. It is said as Mediated Political
Discourse, stated in ‗Media Discourse‘ in Fairclough (1995: 77). There are few
Indonesia researchers conduct CDA framework in political fields in order to find
Mardikantoro (2014) analyzes the attitudinal study of how Kompas, Koran
Tempo, Republika, Ja wa Pos and Suara Merdeka have their own point of view
in reporting the corruption cases, especially in the editorial. The ideologies are
found within Fairclough‘s Framing. Firstly Koran Tempo in the two editorials
shows its disagreement about misleading two suspects into custody. They are
Indar Atmanto, an ex-Indosat director who sentenced as the accused in the
corruption case instead of a witness informing the corruption case; and of
Brigjen Heru Sukrisno, who lately give back the corruption document of military
‗Fokker F-50‘ project he had examined. Secondly, Koran Tempo, Kompas,
Republika, Jawa Pos and Suara Merdeka show their support to some
corruption cases which involving Nazarrudin, Wiendu Nuryanti, Fathonah and
Gayus Tambunan.
Saputri and Suratnoaji (2015) examine a CDA study in Seputar Indonesia
and Ja wa Pos covering the ruling party leader corruption. They found that the
discursive strategies construe and the ideological goals probe Anas Urbaningrum
(AU), the former ruling Democrat Party leader corruption case before the 2014
general election was held. Seputar Indonesia (Sindo) texts are defending AU by
presenting very systematic and consistent discourse patterns even after the
Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) sentenced AU a suspect in corruption
and money laundering cases. Ja wa Pos texts, in contrary, is emphasizing law
enforcement for AU corruption case trying to elaborate the attacking comments
from some party senior cadres to AU that make the reputation of Democrat party
From the elaboration of the background of this study in the previous
paragraphs, this paper intends to observe the written form of language use in
news articles of corruption cases in The Jakarta Post (TJP) with Systemic
Functional Grammar. The analysis of Halliday‘s SFG, i.e. the clause as message
(textual metafunction), the clause as exchange (interpersonal metafunction) and
the clause as representation (experiential metafunction) in the newspaper TJP
generally attracting public attention of corruption cases done by ministries; are
still in the line with the goal of CDA: finding out the ideology of news text
that relates to the power, control, inequality, hegemony and oppression in
language system by considering the situational context behind it (van Dijk,
1993 and Wodak, 1995).
1.2 Research Questions
This study intends to answer the following questions:
1. What social wrongs do The Jakarta Post texts reveal in Suryadharma Ali‘s
and Sutan Bhatoegana‘s corruption case?
2. What ideologies do The Jakarta Post texts reflect in Suryadharma Ali‘s and
Sutan Bhatoegana‘s corruption case?
1.3 Research Objectives
The first objective of this study is to determine what social wrong is. Fairclough
(2001: 135) defines that CDA should focus upon social problems and have the
emancipatory objectives. The focus upon the problem deals with controversial and
debated matter indicating the condition of oppressed group versus the dominant. The
Since KPK posits as the oppressive subject compared to the Representatives, the problem
considers being depoliticization of democracy. Several trials to limit anti-corruption
movements emerge in macro-political behavior. Representatives‘ policy about the draft of
Commission Law no. 30/2002 considers being the gap between power
stakeholders, for instance, KPK and National Police in enforcing the law. The
indication to find out the depoliticization of democracy, social context is needed rather
than the text itself to get broad perspective on the social order (p. 139). The feasibility to
understand the effect of TJP ideologies can reflect the representation of social cognition
about corruption.
The second objective is to reveal the ideologies of TJP about former
ministries‘ corruptions. In the relations of power, there exists a common sense
idea sustaining unequal quality that could lead to social causes or problems
(Fairclough, 1998). The critical analysis of corruption discourse relying on SFG,
become the framework to give prominence on corruption context in an analysis
of text. The concept of ‗hegemony‘ and ‗power‘ can usefully be used in analyzing
orders of discourse (Fairclough, 1997). The lexico-grammatical, semantic
choices and syntactic structures concern to be the language marker to convey that
in a discourse; the power imbalance and domination can be created to control the
hegemony by using strategies, as what Bourdieu (2010) and van Dijk (1997) state
―unconsciously the news recipients are under control to agree or disagree about
the news and the consideration of oppression is being denied, if the accumulation
of capitals are in the hand of political leaders and media‖. TJP as media plays its
The third objective is to seek the exploration of language metafunctions of
ideational. Halliday (2004) in ideational function defines the transitivity
approach (TA) deals with how the experiential metafunction of meaning is
realized. Halliday argues that TA in the clause as representation has aims to put
the experience of the world in the form of language. In this function, the language
user has many choices in relying his experience of the world, in here the events
of a corruption scandal, on the form of systemic language.
The fourth objective is to explain why the language users in clarifying the
text whether animate e.g. corruptor, delegate and/or inanimate e.g. corruption
cases, allegation uses certain vocabularies and patterns to express their ideas based
on their real-world experience. Halliday (2004) calls it as the interpersonal
function of metalanguage. The journalists receive the info from speakers‘
message, and as the language user, they write the message into a well-structured
news article, especially the use of certain modal and tense. Stitcher and Wodak
(2000) define that the concept of meaning in which ‗part of a complex process
of discourse formation‘ are produced and reproduced in a dialectical process of
negotiation. The written articles in here are observed to find the processes of
news writers‘ choice of certain linguistic features which consist of linear
organization of words in a clause as an exchange.
The fifth objective is to find out the Theme what the speaker selects for
‗grounding‘ he or she is going on to say in creating relevance to context. A
clause has a meaning as a message, a quantum of information in the flow of
discourse. The theme is the element that serves as the point of message departure
first. The speaker enables to choose the Theme as his or her point of departure to
guide the addressee in developing an interpretation of the message. The
thematic message which is observed as Marked also the Unmarked ones may
help the researcher to gather information about what is the prominent message,
enables herself as the addressee to process the message.
1.4 Research Benefits
This study has both theoretical and practical benefits. Theoretically, this
study gives the contribution to the development of Critical Discourse Analysis of
corruption, especially in Indonesia. The discourse taken from newspaper media
The Jakarta Post (TJ P) are analyzed in the angle of mode, field, and tenor
values. The findings of this metafunctional language can present how vocabulary
choices, build-up sentences, and word meanings are part of the discursive practice
that might carry certain ideologies as the representation of Indonesian reality in
promoting anti-corruption movement. The limited analysis of reported and quoted
speeches of corruptor written by TJ P can be beneficial for the next researchers that
the evidence of language strategies (presupposition) of the suspect, e.g. frequent
denial and innocent expression of corruptors indicate media‘s alignment
framing the texts.
This research also gives the contribution that the corruption cannot be
identified as common social practice but a crime against the life of civil.
Eradicating corruption to the entire sectors in so many parts of governmental
and private institutions has to be a good initial step since Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono created KPK. Nowadays it is like the civil war against corruption.
The journalists, however, has the legitimation to report the case, to quote the
utterances and to produce texts; and the researcher also can play role as the
addressee of information has an opportunity to criticize agree/disagree. The main
tool to analyze the written texts is the metafunction analysis, and the research on
CDA based on SFG that news text has its own alignments to oppose or to support
(anti) corruption, is applicable to be used in text analysis. Titscher and Wodak
(2000) explicitly agree that Fairclough‘s CDA is related to the grammatical
construction of Michael Halliday‘s Systemic Functional linguistics that language
is dealt with social interaction, and the dialectical process, the cultural and
historical acts of meaning making are essential to provide as data text. By
observing the linguistic structure and applying the SFG approach, the relation
between text and the social circumstances will be relatable in accordance with
each other.
Practically, this research helps, first, the academic reader comprehend the
language use in how the messages are expressed and interconnected the ideas.
Fairclough (1997) defines languages used, as well as other semiotic systems, are
a particular type of social structure that use to be a felicity. Through syntactic
level, the meanings of corruption action moments in news article can be
expressed in the concept of socio-political interaction which takes part
linguistic form. It also, second, gives a contribution that by using linguistic
approach the crime in the framing of news text can be justified clearly even
before the investigation continues to the decision court level. If the use of the
language of speakers is intelligible enough, the misconception and
and social practice and other elements or ‗moments‘ of social events classified as
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter consists of three divisions. The first is literature review which
displays the theories underlying this research that identified as the main tools to
answer the research questions. The second is the related studies that focus on
previous studies which are in the same interest and area with this research. The
third is the theoretical framework of how the theories are elaborated to answer
the research questions.
2.1 Theoretical Review
This part shows the theories that are used to clarify the research topic.
Those are Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Ideology, Language and Symbolic
Power, Media Discourse and Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG).
2.1.1 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) concerns with relations of power,
ideology, and inequality in language. CDA becomes one of the most influential
and visible schools of Discourse Analysis (DA) in order to represent a more
general process of convergence in theories and practices of research on social and
language. Between CDA and DA, there is a discrepancy to determine.
Bloomaert and Bulcaen (2000) define that discourse refers to a text in context. It
is the contexts which can produce the emergence of texts. However, It is a
complicated power object in modern societies that need to be analyzed as a
‗a field of both ideological processes and linguistic processes, and ... there is a
determinate relation between these two kinds of process‘. In other words, DA
assumes as a language in action; while CDA aims to make it more visible and
transparent. The purpose of CDA is to analyze structural relationships of
dominance, discrimination, power, and control as manifested in language.
Therefore to analyze the power structure, the task of critical linguistics and
discourse analysis show the role of language and discourse in the development
of maintenance and reproduction of that system (van Dijk, 1997). Malrieu (1999:
96-97) defines a main of two Discourse Analysis theoretical tricks from French
which involved many linguists and social scientists in distinguishing between
text and discourse. The text is studied by means of linguistic theories while
discourse is described by ideology theory. The analysis of DA goes directly
from linguistic features to interpretations. Meaning is the object of ideology
theory, but Semantics is idealism in linguistic study. In conclusion, CDA focuses
on relations between the structure of language strategies (interpretation) and of
social practices (explanation) so they can be constituted in the semiotic dimension
(orders of discourse).
CDA is an important study in order to show the existence of discourse of
economic, socio-political and cultural changes of modernity. Wodak (1997: 173)
states that the critical approach is distinctive in its view of, first, the relationship
between language and society and, second, the relationship between analysis and
the practices analyzed. It means that a social theory of discourse is constructed
and a methodological blueprint for critical discourse analysis is provided in
Every language has an ideology in its structures or events that concluded in
present condition. Ideology issues figure in the wider framework of theories and
analysis of power, i.e. hegemony concept. Ideology locates at various levels in
various ways. The key is a property of structures and a property of events. In
searching for the ideology, Fairclough (1997) determines an analytic-three-
dimensional framework for conceiving of and analyzing discourse that both in
structures which constitute the outcome of past events and in events which the
conditions for current events reproduce and transform.
The first dimension is discourse-as-text. It means that the linguistic features
and organization of concrete instances of discourse as like vocabulary choices
and patterns, grammar, cohesion, and text structure should be analyzed
systematically. For example, the use of passive verb forms in news article “the
title of religion minister had been entrusted to him” can result the effect of
concealing the agent of political processes. In this sentence, the subject is deleted
intentionally pointing out the president.
The second dimension is discourse-as-discursive-practice. It means that the
text has its own object (intertextuality) and assumption (presupposition). As the
circulation of concrete linguistic objects; discourse is produced, circulated,
distributed, and consumed in society. In analyzing vocabulary, grammar,
cohesion, and text structure; attention should be given to speech acts, coherence,
and intertextuality that link a text to its context. For example, big font title
―Suryadharma Unaware of Haj Graft‖ is put above a picture of a religion affair
ministry smiling and waving hands to describe that the accused of corruption
Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). The choice of words as a headline
can determine the politician‘s careless behavior towards an anti-corruption
movement that he is apathy, showing ‗none of my (Suryadharma) businesses‘.
The third dimension is discourse-as-social-practice. It means that discourse
is a feature in the ideological effects and hegemonic processes. Hegemony
concerns power that is achieved through constructing alliances and integrating
classes and groups through consent so that the articulation and rearticulation of
orders of discourse are correspondingly one stake in the hegemonic struggle. The
way in which corruption discourse is being represented, respoken, or rewritten by
TJP journalist sheds light on the emergence of new orders of discourse, struggles
over normativity, attempts at control, and resistance against regimes of power.
For example, the effects of news title and the article can produce various
significances. In the perspective of politic, an accused ministry is using his
political power as the Islamic party head to symbolize that he may not do
corruption. A capital symbol which he holds on can give an effect of power
relation and contribute to social struggle that to arrest the corruptor need bigger
effort and support from many related people. In conclusion, this framing analysis
can determine the reframing of the researcher to talk about going back and
re-interpreting the meaning of news story text in TJP about corruption discourse.
In an interdisciplinary research, it requires CDA to be integrated within
frameworks for trans-disciplinary research. It means that this research needs
critical social analysis of particular areas or aspects of social life so that positive
critique can be produced in support of alternative ways in the case of social
done, Fairclough in Woodak (2001) presents the methodology of Bhaskar‘s
explanatory critique. It can be formulated in five ‗procedural orders‘, called as
‗stages‘ then further elaborated as ‗steps‘.
The first stage is a social wrong, in its semiotic aspects. In this stage, the
selection of research topic ‗Indonesia Corruption‘ considers being the
construction of research object. Depoliticization of the recent political situation is
the major problem here. Democracy seems failed and doesn‘t work to be public‘s
medium in speaking loudly the aspiration. Related to social wrong, the discourse
signifies the semiotic features of what corruption meaning is. The social wrong is
referred to the problems which powerless group of people is confronted with and debated,
otherwise, it is actually the object of semiotic itself (p.125).
This stage focuses on what is problematic and calls for change, and need
socio-cultural context to define who is being oppressed by whom. The
researcher has several emancipatory objectives to support the oppressed ones
instead of KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission/KPK) since the future plan
to reform KPK regulation is on processing. This matter has become sudden
controversy within anti-corruption campaigns until now because it can reduce
KPK‘s authority. The researcher suggests that the social order needs the problem
to be overcome so it contributes to sustaining particular relations of power and
domination in the matter of anti-corruption.
The second stage is obstacles to the social wrong being tackled. In this
stage, the analysis both semiotic aspects and relevant texts can contribute to
comprehending relations between the level of social practices (orders of
(fields, institutions, organizations). Since the social life is structured and
organized, the term of obstacles appears afterward can make the social wrong
(problem) being resistant to find an easy resolution. There are three obstacles to
be identified so that this study can make a bridge to past them.
The first obstacle is the network of (social and discursive) practices
constituting a social order. When corruption is being the way of life, for
instance, the existence of KPK becomes the scariest enemy to many corruptors
especially those in the state agencies. When the data comes from news text of
Suryadharma Ali‘s and Sutan Bathoegana‘s cases, the corruption
practices are framed into ideological perspectives. The practices relate
each other including not only the corruptors but also other agents. They
constitute both governments (the House of Representative members, the
ministries, etc) and non-governments (the politicians in parties, the
private stakeholders, etc). Bold names below are the example of doer
agents that probably involving in a case:
Due to his powerful position in control of the energy ministry Sutan also allegedly instructed Rudi to rig the bidding for a lucrative multimillion-dollar oil project held by a local unit of US energy giant Chevron, in which Edhie “Ibas” Baskoro, the youngest son of former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was also implicated (41, X, E)
‗Due to his powerful position in control of the energy ministry‘ can be
identified into nepotism while collusion is ‗instructed Rudi to rig the
bidding for a lucrative multimillion-dollar oil project held by a local unit
of US energy giant Chevron‘. These other particular practices at issue
here are categorized afterward into a powerful network of corruption.
eradicating corruption. By understanding the network of practice, the
researcher can identify that, first, ‗corruption‘ is eventually framed into
media‘s domination to influence readers and, second, KPK needs support
to eradicate corruption.
The second obstacle is the relationship of semiosis to other (social)
elements within the particular practice(s) concerned. This part has an aim in
bridging between the network of social practices and semiosis. The way how
‗corruption‘ is structuring the social life and how it produces the people
identities operating the particular practice can indicate that ‗corruption‘ term is
restructured by TJP as media in representing political discourse. In this part of
analysis, the researcher should focus to highlight again the social wrong of
depoliticization which crippling the power and the function of KPK. The
importance to revoke the draft bill of the criminal code and the criminal
procedural code must be explained clearly in this part.
The third obstacle is the discourse/semiosis itself. Semiosis plays a
crucial role in imposing, extending and legitimizing especially the term
‗corruption‘ (p.130). The ways of using language in particular interaction
between structure and action influence the researcher about The Jakarta Post
(TJP) newspaper articles which has been read and analyzed. The researcher
needs first, interdiscursive analysis (instead of intertextuality) to identify the
dominant genres, discourses, and styles inside the texts, second, linguistic and
semiotic analysis which proven by Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG) that
a language is shaped by the social functions it has come to serve. The
the depoliticization really happens to degrade KPK‘s authority and the language
power of TJP help to influence the emergence of revoking the revision of
criminal code and of criminal procedural code.
The third stage is the place of social wrong. By raising the question, the
anticipation answer can show that social order should not be changed for specific
political purposes degrading KPK‘s authority. Dealing with TJP‘s ideologies, the
effect can conclude TJP‘s alignment whether supporting, neutral or unsupporting. It is a
way of linking ‗is‘ to ‗ought‘. It means that the way what social life is should be
changed. However, particular interest does not represent the public interest. If a social
order inherently produces major social wrongs/ problems that are a reason for the
researcher thinking perhaps it should be changed. The questions of ideological
discourse in TJP news article arise in this stage of analysis in order to sustain
power and domination. In this study, unequal relations of power in the texts are
ideologically controlled by TJP in order to generate strong public support for
KPK against corruptors.
The fourth stage is possible ways past the obstacles. In this stage, the
analysis moves from negative to positive critique. It means that the
identification o f not-really-realized possibilities for change show difference and
resistance matters in the social order. The critique would seek explanations of
social practice (ideology) of how and why corruption discourse emerges as part
of TJP strategy (discursive practice) and into news story texts analysis. It is
what Fairclough and Fairclough (2012: 82) refer to social structures, the most
abstract form of social reality. These structures directly shape practices, and
otherwise as mediated by social practices. Hence, KPK as the one which
legitimized by the president and House of Representatives is considered to be an
annoyed figure for those commit to corruption offense. This practice can show
how the relationship between the dominated and the dominating in the interaction
is a failure (resistance) in the social order. The ‗sounds‘ from law experts,
Indonesia Corruption Watch, and other neutral institution can be used for the
alternative.
The last stage is a critical reflection. This stage provides an analysis to turn
how effective it as critique reflexively does or contribute to social emancipation.
The tackling problems are met then attempts for eradicating corruption in
Indonesia can be sustained and extended. The researcher can make a contribution
to other social researchers who are accessible to findings of this study so KPK
must exist.
2.1.2 Ideology
In linguistics and (critical) discourse studies, a theory of ideology needs to
be multidisciplinary. Ideologies are often based on scientific reasoning, ‗a
realistic interpretation‘ of the Subject‘s interpretations or explanations which are
not available on reality. It means that ideologies are produced from human
rationality. Ideology, moreover, is the theory of systematical ideas used by
protagonists in the struggle. The received ideas have become as meaningful
criticism if the analysis is be able to contribute to a social life (Boudon, 1989).
Hopefully, this research can contribute to how to analyze and find ideologies
ideologies can represent the critique of readers‘ point of view to the news, i.e. in
this study is the researcher.
As meaning in the service of power, the ideologies are examined by
providing linguistic evidence. They emerge practically in a certain discourse and
figure as implicit assumptions in texts (Fairclough, 1995: 14). Their effects to
produce or reproduce relations of power and of domination are mediated by
language. The whole sets of linguistic resources and practices should be
verbally expressed, formulated and reproduced in interaction and
communication processes among or between a group of inside and outside
members who are able to share the same ideological concept. In this study, the
deeper language analysis can help to find detailed understanding of ideologies
produced and distributed by TJP.
Truth or falsehood is various but important to exist as the ideology. The
fundamental concept of ideologies as being ‗false‘, ‗misguided‘, ‗wrong‘ or
‗illusionary‘ should be left. Ideologies are not ‗false‘ or ‗true‘ in any interesting
sense, and even less when falsity is typically attributed to the ideas of ideological
‗Others‘. The evaluation of ‗false‘ regarding ideologies refers to what
psychologists can name an ‗attribution error‘. Ideologies are to be ‗true‘ by those
who share them. It is what van Dijk (2004) dubbed as Knowledge.
Meanwhile, ideologies are closely related to language. Using language
with various structures is the common form of social behavior which relies on
common sense assumptions (Fairclough, 1989: 2 and Alip, 2000: 10). By using
language, the knowledge of ‗false‘ and ‗true‘ are able to find the searching of
between the producer and the receiver of language. The findings in this study posit
the researcher as the one doing a Subjective point of view and argue them to be
the social formations that will make it real and true.
2.1.3 Language and Symbolic Power
Indonesia citizens‘ eyes are now open wide to delegate their interest and
power in trusting the politicians to represent them in the political arena (game)
since Soeharto‘s regime of New Orde had been fallen down. In analyzing
political representation, the term of habitus and disposition are used as a
reflection of Bourdieu‘s approach in the sense of a structured social condition
(1991: 203-219). The existence of individuals social condition especially
newspaper writer is reflected in the habitus which is a set of dispositions causes
agents, newspaper media to act and react the reality of corruption practice in
certain ways. Dispositions generate political practices, perceptions, and
attitudes which are regular without being consciously coordinated or governed
by any ‗rule‘. The virtue of invested power in political disposition, for instance,
consider as the features of habitus. They are incalculated, structured, durable,
generative and transposable by political professionals (party, leader, and other
appearance). They take control and monopolize the production of perception and
expression of a given population especially news reader.
When individuals act, they always do practices and perceptions/assumptions,
works and appreciations in specific social contexts or settings or fields. As a
structured space of positions, the distribution of four kinds of resources of
capital is the struggles site in which individuals seek to maintain their status quo
or play the game. The first is economic capital. It deals with money and other
valuable materials. The second is social capital which deals with the career
positions and society networking. The third is a cultural capital. It relates to the
ownership of knowledge even educational intelligence. The fourth is symbolic
capital how the accumulation of capitals determines someone to win the political
competition or game.
In the relation with capitals, symbolic power remains as the practice
defining reality. In the production of news, the ability to define reality is a
fundamental form of power. Bourdieu states that this kind of power is invisible
and can be exercised only with the complicity of those who do not want to know
that they are subject to it or even that they themselves exercise it (1991: 164). The
effect of symbolic power is to influence the actions of others and indeed to create
events, by means of the production and transmission of symbolic forms which
especially include ideology. The Jakarta Post (TJP) as the news media is a
central player of knowledge-production and meaning-exchange of what happen
about corruption in Indonesia. TJP‘s work is actually the exercise of symbolic
power itself. Using symbolism make people see and believe about social reality
(p. 170). This paper at least shows that TJP owns the power to name, to define, to
endorse and to persuade through news matters. What are cited, written,
distributed and produced in the news are its responsibility of marketization so
that Indonesia‘s socio-political realities can influence more investors to invest in
Indonesia.
A proclamation occurs that objective consensus validates the subjective
