To others you may be the Lord but to me

(1)

Title: ”To others you may be the Lord, but to me you are my doll”: A

study of the depiction of the poet-saint Mīrā’s childhood in a 2009

TV serial.

Name: Adrian Plau

Student number: 602158

Programme: MA Languages and Cultures of South Asia

Date of submission: 15 September 2014

(2)

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Rachel Dwyer, for kind, informative

and responsive support. I would also like to thank Mr. Naresh Sharma for many

engaging and thought-provoking conversations and reading seminars during my time

at SOAS. Finally, thanks are due to my mother and father, Hilde Sophie Plau and

(5)

Abstract

The present dissertation draws on the established theoretical and methodological

outlooks of earlier research on retellings and modern versions of the hagiography of

the bhakti poet-saint Mīrā to analyse the latest example of such a retelling, the 2009 TV serial Mīrā. Focusing on the serial’s particular emphasis on Mīrā’s childhood, it argues that the serial can be understood on the background of the popularity of TV

series portraying child marriage at the time of the serial’s production. It also argues

that the serial’s manner of referencing this context while staying within the narrative

and imagery of the wider, hagiographical tradition represents a unique blend of

multiple impulses. Consequently, the conclusion recommends further exploration of

the devotional TV serial, as opposed to the mythological, as a separate genre of

(6)

1. Introduction

This dissertation analyses the 2009 TV serial1Mīrā, which follows the life of the 16th

century poet-saint of the same name. A basic outline of the traditional story of her life

is as follows: In the early 16th century, Mīrā is born to the Rathor Rajputs, who ruled the province of Merta in today’s Rajasthan. When she is married away to the heir to

throne of Chittor, Bhoj, she refuses to fulfil her marital duties, claiming that her love

is already pledged to the god Kṛṣṇa. Scandalised by this public demonstration of female defiance, the Chittors attempt to assassinate Mīrā with poison and snakes, all of which are mysteriously turned into auspicious items when Mīrā touches them. Leading the life of a wandering ascetic, Mīrā is finally absorbed by the idol of Kṛṣṇa in Dwarka. Throughout her life, she composes and performs songs that tell the story

of her defiance and her love for Kṛṣṇa (Martin 2007, pp. 241-243). The 2009 serial follows this outline.

The popularity of this story, which can be attested by the 18 films depicting it

(Martin 2009, p. 291), may owe to Mīrā’s singularity as a woman among medieval poets (Hawley and Juergensmeyer 1988, pp. 119-122), but also to the display of

female defiance in the face of traditional society, and the place of devotion, bhakti2, in

that defiance. Pauwels (2010, pp. 45-46) argues that this aspect of the story makes the

variety of versions of it good objects for studies of “the interface of bhakti and

gender” (ibid., p. 45). I agree with this argument, and the present dissertation

represents such a study. As such, its claim to originality does not reside in its

theoretical or methodological outlooks, but in its material; this is the first academic

study of the 2009 serial, which also is the most recent version of the story of Mīrā. It is also the first study to engage with a version of that story set within in the TV series

(7)

format. A particular trait of the serial is that it features an extended focus on Mīrā’s childhood; owing to the comparative originality of this trait in the context of Mīrā

hagiographies, the dissertation focuses on this part of the serial.

In order to fully tie the analysis of the material to existing research literature

on similar treatments of the story of Mīrā, the dissertation aims to answer the following two research questions:

How does the serial relate to the hagiographical tradition on Mīrā? And how can the serial’s particular relation to that tradition be understood within a wider context?

The aim of the first research question is to delineate and explore the particularities of

the 2009 Mīrā serial within the tradition of versions and retellings of that story. By discussing these particularities, it will be possible to answer the second research

question by analysing these traits within their wider contexts.

Chapter 2 gives a review of relevant literature and background information,

touching on the general question of hagiography and giving examples of the

hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā. It also discusses studies of representations of Mīrā in modern media, along with a general discussion of hagiography and religion in these media.

Chapter 3 presents the dissertation’s theoretical and methodological outlooks,

and discusses the state and scope of its material. It also draws on the background

information outlined in chapter 2 to provide a demarcation of the material and to

bring the research questions in sharper focus.

Chapter 4 explores the first research question by outlining and discussing the

(8)

relationship with her Kṛṣṇa mūrti3. It also discusses the counter-motif of the child Mīrā’s arranged marriage. Through this approach, the particular relations of the serial to the hagiographical tradition are brought into focus, paving the way for the

following chapter’s discussion of the second research question.

Chapter 5 discusses the findings of the previous chapter in the context of the

TV series genre and the popular trends of that genre at the time of the serial’s

production, setting the stage for a gathering of the dissertation’s multiple strands of

analysis in the resulting Conclusion.

A final note on formalities: The dissertation follows the Harvard style of

referencing, with one exception. Since the serial is only available online, and each

episode is typically uploaded as multiple videos of a few minutes each, I refer to the

episodes using the EX formula, where X signifies the particular episode. Using the

full Harvard style in these instances would otherwise result in an overly cluttered text.

A full list of episodes referred to is provided in the reference list, under a separate

subheading. In addition, all names of characters in the serial are, as far as possible,

given in IAST transliteration, whereas place names are given according to anglicised

spelling. All Hindī words used in the text are translated in footnotes at their first appearance. It should be noted that the focus here is not Mīrā as a poet, but on the tradition surrounding her persona. Consequently, the dissertation contains no

discussion of Mīrā’s bhajans4.

(9)

2. Mīrā in hagiography and modern media

In order to establish a theoretical backdrop to the following discussion, this chapter

begins with a brief discussion of the fundamental concept of ’hagiography’, which

will especially focus on its implications in the South Asian tradition. By proceeding to

present the current status of research on the historical Mīrā, I aim to provide a clearer understanding of the ensuing discussion of the hagiographical tradition surrounding

her, and its relation to historiography. Finally, after briefly discussing the role of

religion and traditional epics in modern film and television entertainment in India,

without attempting to give a full historical account of this role, I will outline the

highlights of the representations of Mīrā in these media, focusing especially on how they relate to the hagiographical traditions, and the relevant studies of them.

2.1. Hagiography

Introducing a general overview of hagiography in the Hindu context, Barz (2009, p.

237) writes that while the term originated in the Christian tradition, denoting writing

(graphē) on sacred (hagios) persons and their lives, the widespread usage of it later

academic writing has made it ’the appropriate term’ for biographies of sacred

individuals of all religious denominations. Even so, Snell (1994, p. 2), commenting on

the applicability of the term in the study of the Bhaktamāl (’garland of devotees’),

argues that ’devotee’ is a more appropriate term for the subjects of hagiographies in

the Indian context than the saintly person implied by hagios; usage of the term in this

context still requires sensitivity to the particular development and traits of Indian,

hagiographical literature. A common thread in this varied literature, Snell (ibid., pp.

(10)

any given tradition in order to stimulate later followers to similar heights of devotion,

while at the same time propagating and illustrating the ideals and doctrines of the

tradition in question. Finally, it may also, as in the case of the bhakti poet Sūrdās’s appearances in texts of the Vallabha Sampradāy, serve to tie the writings of a popular poet to the religious organisation he or she is believed to have been a member of

(ibid., p. 4). As we shall see, hagiographies of Mīrā may demonstrate all of these traits.

2.2. Mī_rā_{in history}5

Since it can be understood as an example of the deconstructing tendency within the

current research on the historical Mīrā, while also giving a full account of the state of contemporary scholarship on this issue, John Stratton Hawley’s 2005 article Mīrābai

in Manuscript (2005, pp. 89-116) will serve as a fruitful starting point for the present

discussion. On the basis of a discussion of the available manuscripts, Hawley finds

that only six of the poems that presently are available may be securely linked to a

person of the name Mīrā, living in northwest India in the 16th century or at an earlier date. Contrasting the biographical data that may be gleaned from these poems with

the story of Mīrā recorded in the earliest hagiographies, the status of which is also discussed in the same article, Hawley (ibid., pp. 115-116) argues that the persona

implied by the six poems occupies a ‘middle distance’ from the Mīrā who is found in the later literature. For instance, only one of the poems demonstrates the defiance

towards familial obligations that is a focal point in the early hagiographies.

Hawley (ibid., pp. 89-92) also discusses what can be known about the

historical Mīrā on the basis of historical sources, such as royal genealogies and

5_{Only a rough outline of research on the historical M}

(11)

hagiographical works belonging to various formalised bhakti movements. Disagreeing

with a position represented by Frances Taft, which prefers sources from courtly

environments in favour of those from various bhakti contexts when establishing a

basic, historical biography of Mīrā, Hawley demonstrates how the mention of Mīrā

and her marriage to Bhojrāj of Chittor in the Naiṇsī rī Khyāt, a mid-seventeenth-century genealogy from Jodhpur, can not readily be understood as much more than as

a report of hearsay. He also calls the state of the manuscripts of the genealogy into

question, casting doubt on whether the mention of Mīrā may not actually be a later addition prompted by the growth of a hagiographical Mīrā tradition. In the following section, I will turn to the high watermarks of this growth.

2.3. Mī_rā_{in hagiography}

Several works give accounts of the growth of the hagiographical tradition concerning

Mīrā. I will here first focus on the earliest developments, about which the literature seem to agree, before proceeding to give some defining examples of the more recent

additions to this tradition.

Hawley and Juergensmeyer (1988, pp.122-129) present a succinct overview

of the development of the Mīrā hagiographical tradition. The earliest text that

mentions Mīrā in a hagiographical context is the early seventeenth century Bhaktamāl

by Nabhadās, in which several of the motifs which would be central to the later tradition are first detailed, all within a single, sparse verse; Mīrā’s breaking of the bonds of family in favour of devotion to Kṛṣṇa, the fearless truthfulness of her songs, and the unsuccessful attempts on her life (ibid., p.123). As we shall see, many of these

motifs are developed in later hagiographies. It is also important to note that the

(12)

opening the way to quite important divergences in the subsequent tradition. A later

(possibly late seventeenth - early eighteenth century) commentary on the Bhaktamāl

by Priyadās adds more flesh to story, relating a full story of Mīrā’s life that is similar to the one outlined above in the introduction (ibid., pp. 123-126).

An example of the mutations the basic frame of the Mīrā story has been subject to can be found in the Panjābi story Pothī Prem Abodh from 1693. Written for performance in the court of Gobind Singh, the tenth Sikh guru, in Punjab, it retains

many of the elements familiar from Priyadās’ Bhaktamāl commentary, but sets them out in a different structure. For instance, Mīrā’s husband in this telling is a prince named Giridhāri, who on his deathbed turns out to be Kṛṣṇa. By also taking pride in shattering the audience’s expectations of Mīrā’s behaviour, the text apparently

presumes a familiarity with the story. It also places Mīrā firmly within a Sikh context. Most importantly, especially for the present thesis, is that the Pothī Prem Abodh

introduces Raidās, an untouchable Hindu Cāmar saint, as Mīrā’s teacher. In Sikhism, Raidās is accepted as partaking in the spiritual insights of the Guru (Martin 2009, pp. 289-290). As an example of how themes may flow from one hagiographical context

to another, the motif of Raidās as Mīrā’s teacher is later to be found in several later Hindu versions of her story, and figures in a prominent role in the TV serial under

review here.

The telling credited with forming the basis of most modern renditions of

Mīrā’s story is the 1898 historical biography by historian Munśī Devīprasād. Here Mīrā only turns to devotion after the death of her husband, and in place of her father-in-law it is her brother-father-in-law who persecutes her. In this version, Mīrā is no longer rebellious, but rather supremely virtuous, since her ascetic attitude is prompted by her

(13)

her turn to Kṛṣṇa, effectively making her husband the doorway rather than the hindrance to a life of devotion (ibid., p. 290).

A modern day example of the hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā, which employs elements from both the Pothī Prem Abodh and Devīprasād’s work, is the Mīrā issue of Amar Chitra Katha, a long-running series of comic books telling the life stories of a wide selection of well-known Indians. In an article focusing on this

issue, Hawley (2005, pp. 139-164) details how the comic broadly follows the

established structure, while also adding subtle tweaks. For instance, the Mīrā of Amar Chitra Katha starts her final period of wandering and asceticism after reaching old

age, effectively underlining the tendency of the hagiographical tradition following

Devīprasād to cast Mīrā as an essentially virtuous Hindu wife whose devotional life takes place in the life period when such activities are expected (ibid., p.147).

Interestingly, reprints of the comic from the 1980s of feature a disclaimer stating that

the story as presented in the book is not based on historical facts, but on legends. At

the same time, the comic underplays the miraculous aspects of the story, such as

Mīrā’s absorption into the Kṛṣṇa idol at Dwarka (ibid.). Together, these elements underline the modernistic outlook of Amar Chitra Katha and its editor, Anant Pai, and

exemplify how the story of Mīrā may be subtly adapted in hagiographies to conform to an ever-evolving set of moral and social outlooks. In the following, I will discuss

this tendency as it is expressed in the modern media.

2.4. Religion and traditional narratives in modern, Indian media

A popular genre of Hindī cinema is the devotional. Dwyer (2006, p. 65) notes that these films differ from those of the mythological genre both thematically, in that they

(14)

from the older epics, and aesthetically, in that they, by focusing on the devotee rather

than object of devotion, invite the audience in to a nearer degree of relating to the

events on display than the formality and awe dictated by the mythological films. This

distinction is interesting, since it chimes with Snell’s observation related above, that

the Indian hagiographical genre of literature is distinguished by its tendency to

present the devotee as a model of devotion, allowing its audience to adopt a similar

mode towards the object of veneration, precisely by means of the literature’s relative

informality. Dwyer (ibid., pp. 64-65) also argues that the presence of historical figures

in the narrative of devotional films links them to historical, rather than mythological,

time. As seen in the examples of Mīrā hagiographies above, this linking can also be understood as a trait of hagiographical literature.

Concerning soap operas in India, Munshi (2010, pp. 9-14) suggests that the

string of soap operas that came to define the genre in the modern context, such as

Kyoṃki Sās Bhī Kabhī Bahū Thī, often feature a subtext derived from the larger body

of epics, such as the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa, for instance through visual

hints and intermittent plot similarities. Before these modern soaps, the 1980s saw a

widespread appeal in India of religious soaps based on those very epics, which, while

they in their reception by audiences functioned differently from films, can be

understood as a related form of the mythological cinema (Dwyer 2006, pp. 52-53). As

such, it can be argued that the 2009 serial on Mīrā under discussion here displays elements of both modern Indian soap operas, the earlier serials carrying the influences

of mythological cinema, and, first and foremost, the devotional cinema. I will

continue this discussion on the serial’s relation to genre in chapter 5, but will now

(15)

2.5. Mī_rā_{on film}

A milestone in the depiction of Mīrā on film was the 1947 Tamil language Mīrā, remade into Hindī in 1947, directed by American E. Duncan (Dwyer 2006, pp. 87-89; Mukta 1994, p. 203; Martin 2009, p. 291). Both Dwyer (2006, p. 88) and Mukta

(1994, p. 203) agree that a particular strength of the movie was the bhajans sung by

M. S. Subbalakshmi, the recordings of which outlived the popularity of the film and

went on to become standard versions of the songs. Songs aside, Mukta (1994, p. 204)

argues that it was a “staid” film, which did not really engage with the controversial

aspects of the story, such as Mīrā’s refusal to abide with social and marital

obligations. Some contemporary reviews also attacked it for being lacking in both

emotion and realism (Dwyer 2006, p. 88). De Groot (2006, pp. 34-37) agrees with

these impressions, noting how the film portrays Mīrā as an ideal wife whose devotion makes her husband, the prince of Chittor, attain new spiritual insight, and that it omits

most parts of the story that can be understood as expressing dissent.

On the other hand, de Groot (ibid.) argues that the film still carried a

symbolism that chimed well with the outlook of independent India, particularly in the

Mīrā character’s quiet resistance to her in-law parents and in her preference for the common people. This symbolism was clearly expressed when a 1947 gala preview

was organized by the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru. For our present

purposes, these readings of the film primarily serve as examples of interpretations of

modern portrayals of Mīrā, demonstrating how the particularities of a retelling of the story can be understood on the background of its social and historical context.

A more recent film is the 1979 Mīrā, directed by Gulzar (Martin 2009, p.

291). Kishwar and Vanita (1989, pp. 100-101) criticize the film’s portrayal of Mīrā

(16)

is similarly criticized in the same article, Gulzar’s Mīrā is dressed up in jewellery and heavy make-up, while supposedly being indifferent to worldly things. While they

admit that the 1979 film does allow for more instances of actual rebellion on the part

of Mīrā, such as in a court scene where she argues for her own right to determination, the general impression is one of devotionalism reduced to eccentrics; rather than

being a brilliant devotee finding a likeminded milieu among common people, Mīrā

becomes, in the view of Kishwar and Vanita, a hysteric loner (ibid.). Dwyer (2006, p.

88) is presumably referring to a similar impression when she describes the film’s Mīrā

as ‘rather selfish and strange’.

The film is also the subject of extended analysis by Pauwels (2010, pp. 45-67).

She argues that the film expresses both tendencies towards uplifting Mīrā as a saintly figure advocating progressive stands on women’s rights against patriarchy and

towards undermining both the Mīrā character and those progressive stands (ibid., p. 47). She also finds that the film deftly strikes a balance between relating to

hagiographical frameworks and catering for the genre dictates of Bollywood, finding

ways to update the hagiographical to contemporary issues surrounding women. For

instance, when Mīrā’s sari catches fire in the ceremony of her arranged marriage, it can be understood as hinting towards dowry deaths, playing on the common

Bollywood theme of love marriage versus arranged marriage, while at the same time

staying within the broad frame of the traditional Mīrā story (ibid., p, 49). Like

Kishwar and Vanita (1989, pp. 101), Pauwels (2010, p. 52-53) also highlights the trial

scene as a sequence that apparently situates the film firmly in a progressive stance on

women’s issues. On the other hand, the film also introduces the character of Mīrā’s female cousin on her father’s side, which, by acting as the ideal Rajput woman,

(17)

puts Bhoj, Mīrā’s husband, in a positive light, making him come off as far more willing to compromise than Mīrā (ibid., 57-61). These elements make the film a representative of the tendency in modern retellings of the story of Mīrā that Martin describes as one that both idealise and undermine her example (ibid., p. 46). I concur

with Martin’s analysis, and, as will be made clear in the following chapter, also

follow the general outlooks of her article in my own analysis.

I have found no academic work dealing with the 1993 serial on Mīrā, except the brief mention of it by Martin (2009, p. 291), which reports that it features

elements of condemnation of religious violence, possibly prompted by the Bābri Masjid affair. The only article mentioning the 2009 serial, excepting general

overviews that mention its existence (Martin 2010), is a draft paper by

Ramsoondur-Mungur (n.d., pp. 1-9) dealing with the manners in which Indo-Mauritian women are

influenced by the beauty ideals of Bollywood TV serials, the 2009 Mīrā being one of

the serials discussed. While the inclusion of the serial in this context is interesting on

its own account, the paper falls beyond the scope of this work.

2.5. Summary

This chapter provided a broad backdrop for the understanding of hagiography as a

genre, and how its views differ from those of modern historiography. Presenting a

variety of examples of distinct hagiographies on Mīrā, I argued in favour of an

understanding of this tradition that emphasizes its tendency to change according to its

evolving social and political context. The following discussion of versions of the story

in modern media underlined this understanding, and I will develop it further in the

following chapter, which presents the theoretical and methodological outlooks of my

(18)

3. Theory, methodology and material

I will here first briefly discuss the outlooks and methodology through which I will

analyse my material, the 2009 serial Mīrā, drawing on the multiple perspectives

presented in chapter 2. I will then discuss the state of this material, which particular

parts I have chosen to focus on, and why.

3.1. Theory and methodology

A seminal text in the study of oral art is Richard Bauman’s article “Verbal Art as

Performance” (Bauman 1975: 290-311), where Bauman argues in favour of a shift

away from understanding verbal art as primarily centred on texts, thus yielding more

or less correct performances of these texts, to an understanding that accepts the

cultural texts produced within the context of performance as definitive in themselves.

Lutgendorf notes that this approach has also had repercussions for the study of Indian

literature, as the study of classical texts is more often brought into contact with the

study of the oral performance of such texts (Lutgendorf 1991: 36).

Similar thoughts are found in the reflections of A. K. Ramanujan (Ramanujan

1991: 22-49) on the mutability of the South Asian traditions of retellings of the epic

Rāmāyaṇa. As the examples of hagiographies and film versions presented in chapter 2

demonstrate, the various retellings of the traditional story of Mīrā, in various kinds of media, can, like those of the Rāmāyaṇa, in Ramanujan’s (ibid., p. 46) words, be

understood to ”not only relate to prior texts directly, to borrow or to refute, but they

relate to each other through this common code”. This code consists of a shared stock

(19)

of these things in relationship to each other in a given retelling constitutes the

uniqueness of that version (ibid.).

The sum of these perspectives is a theoretical outlook that allows for

approaching a retelling of the story of Mīrā as complete in it self, rather than a derivation, and yet defined by the contexts of its performance. A similar approach is

voiced by Pauwels (Pauwels 2010, p. 45-46) when she expects modern versions of

this story to stress the rebellious aspect of Mīrā’s character and to exemplify the modern, progressive nature of the bhakti movement (although she does not find that

these aspects are embraced in such versions). I agree with this outlook, which sees a

given retelling, in all kinds of media, as expressing a unique version working within a

familiar framework, and that its particular reordering of and attitude towards this

framework can be understood as an expression of attitudes towards a variety of issues;

social, historical, political or otherwise. In the case of Mīrā, examples of such issues would be the questions of female self-determination and the relationship between

traditional values and radical devotionalism.

This theoretical perspective may not sufficiently emphasise the demands

inherent in specific genres, except if one understands those genre demands to be a part

of a given retellings’ defining context, which in this instance is the TV-series genre.

The further implications of this will be discussed in chapter 5.

3.2. Material

Mīrā was broadcast on NDTV Imagine, a channel that, due to declining viewership,

was shut down in 2012 (Munshi 2012, pp. 308-309). This makes it difficult to find

official information about the serial, but the dating of episodes uploaded to video

(20)

broadcast from 27th July 2009 to 29th January 20106. There were five weekly

episodes, from Monday till Friday, each lasting about 24 minutes. Sagar Productions7,

which also produced the widely seen Rāmāyaṇa serial in 1987-1988, produced the

serial (Martin 2012). According to its own title sequence, Moti and Meenakshi Sagar

developed the serial, the screenplay was written by Vipul Mehta and the dialogues by

Vinod Sharma and Mrduti Sharma (E1). Given the lack of further, reliable

information on the serial’s production team, neither it nor the actors in themselves

will be discussed in the present analysis.

There are some problems with the state of my material: Of the total 134

episodes, only 50 were available to me. The serial is not available in any form on the

commercial market, and due to the closing of NDTV Imagine, the tapes could not be

obtained from them directly. Sagar Productions were unresponsive to efforts to make

contact. The 50 episodes that are available are all to found on the video sharing sites

YouTube and Daily Motion. They are all in Hindī, with no subtitles. The 50 episodes constitute less than half of the serial’s total running time, and several episodes

assumedly dealing with key episodes were unavailable. Also, some of the videos that

are available have some obviously missing parts, especially before and after

commercial breaks. I fully accept that these shortcomings may reduce the general

applicability of the present analysis.

I will, however, argue that the state of the material that is available still is of

such a nature that it can form a sufficient basis for serious study. Firstly, the 50

episodes I have watched have a combined running time of approximately 20 hours,

which in them selves offer a wealth of material for analysis. Throughout my work, I

6

(21)

also discovered that these 20 hours present far more material than could be

sufficiently analysed within the present frame. Secondly, several videos of the

bhajans performed in the serial are available online, often featuring the scenes in

which they are performed. Since these bhajans are routinely performed at important

moments of the narrative, this makes it possible to comment on key sequences

without having access to the full episode. Another argument is based on the particular

narrative style of the serial, which also has consequences for the focus of this

dissertation.

A striking aspect of the serial is that it is quite clearly separated into two parts,

apparently of equal length8: A first part, which follows Mīrā as a child, and a second part that follows her life as an adult woman. And within these two major parts there

are several sub-branches of the narrative, fleshing out supporting characters and

adding minute plot twists. It especially seems that shorter story arcs are established in

the episodes broadcast on Mondays, to be resolved in the episode on the following

Friday, and many of these arcs do not appear to further the overall narrative of Mīrā’s story, but rather to create drama and suspense while the overarching story is told at its

own pace. And since not all of these minor arcs and sub-branches are related to the

themes I wish to explore in this dissertation, some of them not even to Mīrā’s character, I would argue that the current state of the material provides a sufficient

insight into the contents of the series to apply the theoretical outlooks outlined above

to it.

So rather than focusing on the full narrative of the entire serial, I will analyse

sections of it that, to my knowledge, present original perspectives on the Mīrā story,

8

(22)

and which demonstrate how the structure how this retelling is determined by its

generic context, the TV series genre. This means that I will primarily focus on the

section of the serial portraying Mīrā as a child of nine years, since the serial’s extended treatment of this part of her life is particular to it, at least among other

modern day portrayals.9 As the following analysis and discussion will make clear, this selective approach narrows the material sufficiently down to apply my research

questions to it within the space of this dissertation; how does the serial relate to the

hagiographical tradition on Mīrā? And how can the serial’s particular relation to that tradition be understood within a wider context? By answering the first of these

questions in the following chapter, by analysing aspects of the serial’s depiction of

Mīrā’s childhood, I intend to lay the groundwork for a discussion of the second question in chapter five.

3.3 Summary

I have here outlined the theoretical outlooks that inform my approach to my material,

formulating a perspective grounded in Bauman’s argument on the validity of cultural

texts produced by performance, and, by pointing to Ramanujan’s work on the

mutability of South Asian traditions of retellings and Martin’s adoption of a similar

approach in her work on the 1979 Mīrā film, provided a framework for understanding

my material. Arguing that the sheer scope of my material, along with its generic

particularities, dictates that only sections of it can be analysed sufficiently within the

scope of the present work, I demarcated those sections to be the ones dealing with the

depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, owing to the comparative originality of the serial’s emphasis on this part of the familiar story.

9_{The 1945/1947 version spends about 15 minutes on M}

(23)

4. Analysis of material

I will begin this analysis by briefly discussing the lyrics of the theme song, which is

played during the opening vignette and at several key moments in the serial. I will

then discuss the serial’s depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, focusing especially on her relationship with her mūrti of Kṛṣṇa. This analysis will be structured around the narrative detailing how this mūrti comes into her possession, while drawing on

incidents and sequences from later episodes. Through this approach, I aim to answer

my first research question, concerning how the serial relates to the hagiographical

tradition on Mīrā, by discussing those aspects of the serial that I would argue are particular to it, while also pointing towards those aspects of it that relate to the

framework that the tradition has in common.

4.1. Theme song

The theme song (Nimit Parmar 2009) introduces the serial’s perception of the

fundamental themes of the story of Mīrā. The following is my own translation of its lyrics:

”Leaving (female) friends

She played with (her) Kṛṣṇa doll, The dear partner of (her) childhood

She loved the colour of the dark-complexioned one

It became a true story of love

(24)

She would speak of matters of love

She would not heed the customs of the world

She would search for the love of her heart

She began to form new bonds of relation.”

This lyric introduces the main themes of the story of Mīrā as it is traditionally understood, but achieves this without mentioning any of the other characters in the

narrative except Kṛṣṇa. As such, it may be understood as setting out the emotional core of the story, centring on the basic themes of love, devotion and the rejection of

traditional values. The mention of the “doll” in the opening chorus also hints at the

recurring theme of Mīrā’s relationship to her Kṛṣṇa mūrti, which I will analyse in depth here. Mīrā’s name is sung repeatedly throughout the chorus, emphasizing that the song embraces what apparently are deemed to be the essentials of the story of

Mīrā. All in all, this is in line with the perspectives on hagiography and performed oral texts discussed in the preceding chapters; the theme song references a

rudimentary hagiographical framework, while at the same time not tying itself too

closely to any specific constituents of that framework. It should also be noted that the

lyric emphasises Mīrā’s childhood and her Kṛṣṇa doll, introducing these elements as the starting points of the later narrative, and it is to them we now will turn our focus.

4.2. Mī_rā_{as a child.}

The following analysis of the serial’s depiction of Mīrā’s childhood is structured around some closely connected themes: Her relationship to her mūrti of Kṛṣṇa, and how the depiction of this relationship deals with the interrelated themes of devotion

(25)

comes into Mīrā’s possession, which spans the first five episodes and a run time of nearly two hours. Briefly summarised, a nine-year-old Mīrā wants a doll (guḍḍā), similar to that of her friend Lalitā’s, who tells Mīrā that one can marry one’s doll and keep is at one’s husband. Mīrā’s parents indulge her youthful seriousness by taking her to a doll seller, where Mīrā sees a doll of Kṛṣṇa displayed and promptly chooses it to be her bridegroom. When she is presented with a different doll at the mock

wedding ceremony the following day, it becomes clear that the Kṛṣṇa doll appeared to her alone. Refusing the marriage, she resolves to fast. At the same time, the Kṛṣṇa

mūrti in the family friend Raidās’ temple refuses to accept food offerings by letting wind blow out the ritual lamp. After a series of similar incidences, where the actions

of Mīrā are echoed by Raidās’ Kṛṣṇa mūrti, which is identical to the doll Mīrā chose at the doll seller’s, Raidās understands the connection and gives the mūrti to Mīrā

(E1-E5). Mīrā’s subsequent relationship to this mūrti is a central theme for the rest of the episodes depicting Mīrā’s childhood life, and I will discuss how this relationship can be understood to deal with the central theme of devotion and, in extension, the

serial’s treatment of Mīrā’s marriage.

4.2.1. Devotion

A character of central importance to Mīrā’s relationship to the Kṛṣṇa mūrti is the bhakti saint Raidās. The mūrti originally belongs to him, and it is his understanding of the relationship between it and Mīrā that leads to it coming into her possession. Throughout the part of the serial depicting Mīrā’s childhood, Raidās frequently functions as a teacher and a supporting character whose insights on devotion serve to

(26)

them to the overarching question of how the serial relates to the wider, hagiographical

tradition.

A clear example of Raidās’ function in the serial appears at the beginning of the very first episode (E1), as Ratan Singh’s wife is about to give birth to Mīrā. The birth sequence presents an important piece of foreshadowing, since Raidās is present as the family convenes around the new-born girl and is asked to name her. As he

ponders the possibilities, he is seen sitting with a string instrument in his lap, of the

same kind that Mīrā is commonly seen playing in popular portraits. As he gives her the name “Mīrā”, dramatic music is played and the camera is cut to a zooming-in close-up of the baby. Taken together, the sequence, and the presence of Raidās in it, strongly hints at the devotionalism that will define Mīrā’s life and efficiently lays out the broad context of the story that is to come, while directly evoking the popular

imagery of that story.

An equally symbolic sequence featuring Raidās is seen in E2, when Raidās, having visited the now nine-year old Mīrā in the royal palace and shown her his Kṛṣṇa

mūrti, which is identical to the doll she wished to marry, leaves the palace with his

group of devotees and Mīrā steals away to follow them. Finding Mīrā’s chamber empty, the members of the royal family scuttles about the palace looking for her. This

sequence, featuring several shots of the various parts of the palace, is then

immediately followed by a lengthy scene in the surrounding desert, which shows

Raidās and his group walking in procession back to their temple and singing a

bhajan10 addressed to “murlīdharī”, the flute-playing Kṛṣṇa (which is the form of Kṛṣṇa the mūrti depicts). Trailing barefoot behind them is Mīrā, transfixed by the procession of devotees (E2).

(27)

The imagery of this sequence sets up a dichotomy between the comforts and seclusion

of the palace and the vast openness of the desert. Also striking is the use of a bhajan

addressed to the flute-playing Kṛṣṇa; in both bhakti poetry and earlier texts, the sound of Kṛṣṇa’s flute generally represents the call from Kṛṣṇa himself, enticing

cow-herding women, gopīs, to leave their husbands and houses in order to join Kṛṣṇa in his play in the woods (Kinsley 1975, pp. 32-41). As such, the sequence illustrates some

of the fundamental, symbolic dichotomies of the Mīrā story, such as settled life versus religious itinerancy, and also hints at the related tension between traditional marriage

and the mystical union of devotionalism. The symbolic centrality of the sequence for

the serial is underlined in the very last episode (E134), where Mīrā sings the same

bhajan to the Kṛṣṇa mūrti in Dwarka, before she is absorbed into it. This shows the centrality of Raidās in establishing Mīrā’s relationship to Kṛṣṇa.

In other sequences, he functions as a teacher to her and a guide to her parents.

For instance, in the scene (E2) prior to the sequence discussed above, when Mīrā says to Raidās that the mūrti is the doll she chose, he explains to her that this is no doll, but his deity. Mīrā does not heed this, and keeps begging for him to give it to her. Finally, Raidās explains that the mūrti chooses for itself where it wants to be, and that one must work hard for it to do so, closing the conversation by stating that Mīrā’s difficulty is thus just as much Raidās’ own. The dialogue thus lets Raidās introduce Mīrā to the complexities of devotion, allowing Mīrā’s later devotion to the mūrti, which she still refers to as a doll, to be understood within a more formal context. In

(28)

awkward situation on Mīrā’s behalf to be understood as an example of her singular devotion.

As these examples show, Raidās functions both as a teacher and example to Mīrā, but also as an interpreter of her actions to her parents and, in extension, to the audience. This structure also allows Raidās’ bhakti to be sharper delineated from the more formal ritualism of the royal court; by explaining and accepting Mīrā’s

unorthodox behaviour, the unconventionality and openness of his devotionalism, and,

by association, bhakti in general, is demonstrated. Raidās’ presence thereby gives a formal acceptance of the child Mīrā’s unconventional approach to the mūrti.

This relationship between the mūrti and Mīrā is a central theme of the serial, both in terms of narrative and purely visually. Most episodes feature lengthy

sequences of Mīrā gazing at the mūrti to the accompaniment of bhajans or the serial’s theme song. Such sequences regularly follow incidents where Mīrā’s devotion to the

mūrti has been put on a test.

E10 to E13 present a clear example of this theme, as they detail how Mīrā’s scheming tāī11, who is also crucial to later events, tricks her to give away the mūrti to

the tāī’s son. The aunt buries it in the palace gardens (E11), so that when Raidās comes visiting to see the mūrti, Mīrā is unable to show it to him. However, just as Raidās is about to find out about this, a gardener makes an appearance, declaring that he has found the mūrti (E12). When it is reinstalled in Mīrā’s bedroom shrine, Mīrā

gazes at it as the theme song is played. Following a series of cuts between close-ups

of the mūrti and the gardener, Mīrā turns to him, who suddenly vanishes in thin air. As she turns back to the mūrti, the sequence ends with another close-up of it as Mīrā’s name is sung (E13). This sequence is the first in the serial where Kṛṣṇa himself, in the

(29)

shape of the royal gardener, makes an appearance. In the following episode, E14,

Mīrā speaks to the mūrti while alone in her bedroom, saying that “To others you may be the Lord, but to me, you are my doll, my bridegroom”, echoing Raidās’ assertion in E6.

Sequences as these, underlining the close relationship between Mīrā and the

mūrti, can be analysed on several levels. Firstly, few of these sequences serve to move

the narrative forward; much of the serial generally consists of a series of episodes

intended to demonstrate Mīrā’s belief in Kṛṣṇa’s powers, and the actual existence of those powers. Secondly, the many sequences consisting of Mīrā observing the mūrti

as bhajans are played, give the serial an aesthetic that is closely linked to that of the

devotional cinema discussed in chapter 2; it is the special relationship between the

two, brought about by Mīrā’s devotion and Kṛṣṇa’s grace, that is in focus. As such, the serial uses Mīrā’s developing relationship to the mūrti to emphasise her natural gifts as a devotee.

I have argued that the extended time devoted to portraying the place of this

relationship in Mīrā’s childhood is a particular trait of this serial, when seen in the context of the wider, hagiographical tradition. It is not that it represents a qualitatively

new addition to the meaning of the story; what is particular is rather the lengths it

goes to underline this meaning in this part of Mīrā’s life. It also serves as a

counterpoint to another, central part of the serial’s narrative of Mīrā’s childhood: Her impending marriage. In the following section, I will briefly discuss this element of the

(30)

4.2.2. Marriage

A revealing detail occurs in E1, when Mīrā and her family go to town to find a bridegroom-doll for her. As Mīrā is about to look at the dolls, her mother prompts her “Kar le apnā svayaṃvar”12. The use of the word svayaṃvar is interesting, since it denotes a long-standing tradition that sees ‘the public choice of a bridegroom by the

bride from among her assembled suitors’ (McGregor 1993: 1050). The tradition

features prominently in the Mahābhārata, where Draupadī chooses and marries Arjuna through this method (Smith 2009: 68-73). The use of the word in the playful

context of the scene, which is marked by the atmosphere of parents indulging in the

games of a girl, serves as a piece of foreshadowing of the true significance of this

symbolic marriage. In E13, Mīrā opposes the thought of a future marriage, saying that she will not marry anyone but her doll. Mīrā’s determination on her marriage with the doll is offset by her actual, impending marriage with Bhoj, arranged by her

aforementioned tāī.

In E2, the tāī raises the question to Mīrā’s parents and her grandfather of whether it isn’t time for Mīrā’s actual marriage to happen: “It is enough of this playing with dolls; she should marry for real”. She goes on to suggest that Mīrā could be married into the family of Rana Sangha, but the suggestion is shot down (E2). In a

later episode, the aunt’s female servant, Dāīmā, is introduced, and functions thereafter as an accomplice and counselor to the aunt’s developing schemes, intended to

increase her leverage in the court politics by creating discord in Mīrā’s nucleus family (E6). The plans come to frutition when Rana Sangha declares that he will take Mīrā

into his house as a bahū13. In the same episode, Mīrā’s mother dies of an illness that has been the focus of an ongoing sub-plot (E37). The incidents are subtly related;

(31)

Mīrā earlier declared, as her mother was eavesdropping, that her doll and her mother are everything to her (E32). Consequently, the death of her mother underlines the

even stronger significance of the mūrti to Mīrā as her marriage to Bhoj is fixed. The fact that this subplot of Mīrā’s impending marriage to Bhoj develops simultaneously as that following her deepening relationship with the mūrti, serves to

set up the two kinds of marriages as counter-themes. This adds poignancy to the

bhajan sequence showing her marriage with the mūrti, which features the cast in

traditional wedding attire and a full Hindu wedding ritual (Skloya31, 2010).

It is also significant that these counter-themes are played out when Mīrā is still a child of nine years, and the implications of this will be discussed in the next chapter.

Here our focus is on the first research question: How does the serial relate to the

hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā? As the present discussion has made clear, the serial frequently acknowledges the imagery, themes and emotions commonly

connected with this tradition, by means of the wording of the theme song, the

explanations of Mīrā’s unorthodox devotionalism provided by the Raidās character, and the subplot concerning her arranged marriage. What is original about the serial’s

approach is how it centers these themes around Mīrā’s relationship with the mūrti

while repeatedly reminding the audience that to Mīrā, the mūrti is a doll. This chimes with the serial’s extended treatment of Mīrā’s childhood, which is also original to it. As referenced above, to Mīrā the mūrti is both a doll and a bridegroom; the variety of sequences and incidences discussed above, which are, to the extent of my knowledge,

original to the serial, serve to underline this relationship, and to tie it with the general

themes of Mīrā hagiographies. In the following, I will discuss how this approach of the serial towards the hagiographical tradition can be interpreted within its particular

(32)

4.3. Summary

This chapter discussed a variety of sequences from the 2009 Mīrā serial, beginning

with the narrative spanning the first five episodes, and tied these sequences to the

overarching themes of devotion and marriage. It argued that the serial’s extended

treatment of these themes in the context of Mīrā’s childhood, and the variety of original sequences used to tell this story, while staying within the framework of the

hagiographical tradition, constitute the serial’s originality within that tradition. The

following chapter aims to use these insights to answer the second research question:

How can the serial’s particular relation to the hagiographical tradition be understood

(33)

5 The serial in context

In order to answer the second research question, concerning how the serial’s relation

to the hagiographical tradition can be understood within its wider contexts, this

chapter discusses the findings of the previous chapter in relation to two such contexts:

Firstly, in relation to the serial’s genre as a TV series, and secondly, in relation to the

wider trends of the TV entertainment industry of India at the time it was broadcast,

with a special emphasis on what Munshi (2012, p. 244) calls “The Balika Vadhu

effect”.

5.1. The serial and its genre

It has already been noted (in chapter 2) that the serial proceeds according to a

particular, narrative frame, presenting its overarching narrative through a series of

weekly histories that revolve around conflicts introduced in the Monday episode and

resolved in the episode on the following Friday, all the while pushing the main story

of Mīrā’s life slightly forward. This is in line with what is stated by Shailja Kejriwal, creative head of several soap operas on Indian television, to Munshi: “An important

ingredient was building on characters and not the story. […] The idea is to build small

plots in a concept serial to build on the characters” (Munshi 2010, p. 121). This

emphasis on characters over story can be recognized in how the Mīrā serial, as

detailed in the previous chapters, repeatedly presents variations over the same theme,

most frequently concerning Mīrā’s faith and her relationship with the mūrti.

Moreover, the recurring focus on the mūrti as an object of veneration, such as in the

frequent sequences of Mīrā beholding it as bhajans are performed, chimes with what Munshi (ibid., pp. 11-12) refers to as the “secondary subtext” of the soaps defining

(34)

images of household deities and other religious objects. In Mīrā’s case, however,

these references are rather in the centre of the narrative, and, as was argued in chapter

4, move the serial in the direction of devotional cinema, since they occur together

with images of Mīrā in a devotional mood. As such, the extended focus on Mīrā’s childhood in the serial, which was explored in the previous chapter, not only serves to

underline how the serial adheres to the TV series genre, but also to situate the

hagiographical tradition firmly within that genre. At the same time, its use of Mīrā’s relationship with the mūrti also serves as a nexus through which the framework of this

tradition may be applied to the contemporary genre. In other words, the serial

represents both an example of hagiography as a TV series, and also of TV

entertainment as hagiography.

5.2. The Balika Vadhu_effect

The series Balika Vadhu14, launched in 2008, was an instant success and remained

among the ten most watched TV series in India for at least four years (Munshi 2012,

pp. 244-248). The series chronicles the life of a child bride in contemporary, rural

Rajasthan, and thus touches upon what Munshi (ibid., p. 246) refers to as a “burning

social issue”. The background for the series was its writer, Purnendu Shekhar,

wanting to raise awareness around child marriage practices and the position of women

in this area, but it attracted viewers from the entire country, to the extent that entire

families are said to have remained indoors when the daily episodes were screened

(ibid., pp. 262, 245). On this background, the 2009 Mīrā serial’s emphasis on Mīrā’s childhood, and especially on her arranged marriage with Bhoj, can be understood in a

broader context. For instance, in the sequence in E2, referenced in the preceding

(35)

chapter, where Mīrā’s tāī suggests to her parents that Mīrā should marry for real, Mīrā’s mother says that her daughter is still just nine years old; the tāī replies that she herself was married at the age of twelve, and references the practice throughout the

kingdom of marrying off girls of similar age (E2). This sequence, and others like it,

takes on a particular significance when seen in light of the popularity of Balika

Vadhu; within its hagiographical template, the serial engages with a social issue that

was in the centre of the most popular TV series of that time.

By focusing on Mīrā’s childhood in more detail than earlier retellings of the story in the modern media, the framework of the hagiographical tradition is

transposed into a context where it is able to reference the social issue of child

marriage, while focusing on detailing the events of the familiar story. In this we find

the answer to the second research question: the serial’s innovation within its tradition

is its heavy emphasis on Mīrā being married away as a child, and this innovation also mirrors the serial’s wider context. Applying its social and generic contexts to the

hagiographical frame, the serial remains a both a product of these contexts and a part

of the hagiographical tradition.

5.3. Summary

This chapter discussed the findings of chapter 4 in relation to the serial’s context, both

within its genre and in light of one of the most popular examples of that genre at the

time of the serial’s production. It argued that the present dissertation’s second

research question could be answered by understanding the serial’s emphasis on Mīrā’s childhood on the background of the popularity of the series Balika Vadhu. In the

following chapter, the various strands of arguments developed so far will gathered in

(36)

6. Conclusion

This dissertation analysed the 2009 serial Mīrā by understanding it on the background

of the wider, hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā, and by grounding its

theoretical fundament in the arguments of Bauman (1975) and Ramanujan (1991) on

the mutability of texts and their retellings, and the methodological example provided

by Martin (2010). As such, its claim to originality does not reside in its theoretical

outlook, but rather in its material, which has not previously been the object of serious

analysis.

By focusing on the serial’s extended treatment of Mīrā’s childhood, and the functions of devotion and traditional, arranged marriage within that narrative, and

discussing the findings of this focus in relation to the serial’s generic and popular

contexts, the dissertation provided the following answers to its research questions:

The serial’s relation to the hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā is marked by its use of visual imagery, foreshadowing and the explaining Raidās character, all of which are structured around the central theme of Mīrā’s relationship with her Kṛṣṇa

mūrti. At the same time, through its repeated emphasis of Mīrā’s understanding of the

mūrti as a doll, and also as her husband, counterpointed by the developing subplot

concerning her arranged marriage, the serial uses a central motif of the hagiographical

tradition, but emphasises that this happens when Mīrā is still a child. When seen on the background of the emphasis on character over story in modern-day Indian TV

entertainment, and especially in the context of the popularity of a series dealing with

child marriage in contemporary India, this particular relation of the serial towards the

hagiographical tradition can be understood as an example of both the intertextuality

inherent in that tradition and of the serial’s application of that intertextuality to new

(37)

I will highlight two main suggestions for further studies based on these conclusions.

Firstly, provided that the full 2009 Mīrā serial becomes available, a full study of its

entire content will be able to explore these conclusions further, and possibly also to

counter them. For instance, a longer study would be able to compare the portrayal of

Mīrā’s childhood with that of her adult life. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, these conclusions suggest the possibility of further studies on the devotional TV serial

as a unique genre, which draws on the generic qualities of devotional cinema, modern

Indian soap operas and mythological series, and also older, hagiographical traditions,

but which, by balancing all these influences, constitutes a new genre, which should be

the object of further exploration.

(38)

Reference list

Bauman, Richard. “Verbal Art as Performance” in American Anthropologist, New

Series, Vol. 77, No. 2 (Jun., 1975), 290-311.

Barz, Richard. ”Hagiography.” In Jacobsen, Knut A., Basu, Helene, Malinar,

Angelika, Narayanan, Vasudha (eds.) Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Vol.

2. Leiden: Brill, 2009, 237-248.

Dwyer, Rachel. Filming the Gods: Religion and Indian Cinema. London and New

York: Routledge, 2006.

Groot, Rokus de. “The Reception in the Netherlands of an Indian Singing Saint:

Meerabai in Film, in Translation and in Concert.” In Tijdschrift van de

Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 56/1, 2006,

25-65.

Hawley, John Stratton. Three Bhakti Voices: Mirabai, Surdas and Kabir in Their

Time and Ours. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Hawley, John Stratton and Juergensmeyer, Mark. Songs of the Saints of India.

(39)

Kinsley, David R. The Sword and the Flute: Kālī and Kṛṣṇa, Dark Visions of the

Terrible and the Sublime in Hindu Mythology. Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1975.

Lutgendorf, Philip. The Life of a Text. Performing the Rāmcaritmānas of Tulsidas. Berkely: University of California Press, 1991.

Lookhar, Mayur, 2009. “Yes, no, yes! Finally, Aditi agrees to play Meera”

TellyChakkar, [online] 6th October. Available at:

<http://www.tellychakkar.com/tv/tv-news/yes-no-yes-finally-aditi-agrees-play-meera> [Accessed 14.9.2014].

Martin, Nancy M. “Rajasthan: Mirabai and Her Poetry”. In Bryant, Edwin F. (ed.),

Krishna: A Sourcebook. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007, 241-254.

Martin, Nancy M. “Mīrabāī.” In Jacobsen, Knut A., Basu, Helene, Malinar, Angelika, Narayanan, Vasudha (eds.) Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Vol. 4. Leiden:

Brill, 2009, 288-295.

Martin, Nancy M., 2010. ”Mirabai”. Oxford Bibliographies, [online]. Available at

<http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0070.xml> [Accessed 12 June 2014].

McGregor, R.S. (ed.). Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University

(40)

Meera, 1945. [Film] Directed by Duncan, Ellis.

Meera, 1979. [Film] Directed by Gulzar.

Mīrā, 2009 [TV serial]. Sagar Productions for NDTV Imagine.

Mukta, Parita. Upholding the Common Life: The Community of Mirabai. Delhi:

Oxford University Press, 1994.

Munshi, Shoma. Prime Time Soap Operas on Indian Television. Delhi: Routledge,

2010.

Munshi, Shoma. Remote Control: Indian Television in the New Millenium. Delhi:

Penguin Books India, 2012.

Nimit Parmar15, 2009. meera title song NDTV Imagine [sic]. [Video online].

Available at: <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nusQRk5K0o8> [Accessed

14 September 2014].

Pauwels, Heidi R. M. “Who Is Afraid of Mirabai? Gulzar’s Antidote to Mira’s

Poison.” In Dimitrova, Diana (ed.), Religion in Literature and Film in South

Asia. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 45-67.

(41)

Ramanujan, A.K. ”Three Hundred Rāmāyaṇas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translation.” In: Richman, Paula (ed.), Many Rāmāyaṇas: The Diversity of

a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. Berkeley: University of California Press,

1991, 22-49.

Ramsoondur-Mungur, Angela. "Female Indo-Mauritian negotiation of beauty and

Bollywood TV serials”. Draft Paper. Available at:

<

http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/OxfordRAMSOONDURdraft.pdf> [Accessed 12

September 2014].

Skloya31, 2010. Bhajans From Meerabai Serial Part 2. [Video online] Available at:

<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B5hnbpsYJk8> [Accessed 14 September

2014].

Smith, John D. (Ed./Translator). The Mahābhārata. London: Penguin Books, 2009.

Mīrā _{episodes online.}

Episode 1:

Kitani mohabbat hai, 2009. Meera - 27th july - NDTV Imagine - 1st episode - part 1.

[Video online]. Available at:

<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hj_vkFIM284> [Accessed 14 September

(42)

<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CIjA0jYylHY > [Accessed 14

September 2014].

<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q1KmFPg7hzM > [Accessed 14

September 2014].

Kitani mohabbat hai, 2009. Meera - 27th july - NDTV Imagine - 1st episode - part 4

=last [sic]. [Video online]. Available at:

<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2aK2l-RvN-0 > [Accessed 14 September

2014].

Episode 2

Meera bai, 2011. Meera - 2nd episode -ndtv imagine - part-1. [Video online].

Available at: <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ib0FdAycP8 > [Accessed

(43)

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SPO_E0UP3-U >}

[Accessed 14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4p53oLJysgM > [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bjs7pPTGdP4> [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Episode 3

Meera bai, 2011. Meera – 3rd episode -ndtv imagine - part-1. [Video online].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K1fqQh87YeE> [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cB7adjsm-a0> [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nNeuJC06sXs> [Accessed}

(44)

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=emo03eZxLWM>}

Episode 4

Meera bai, 2011. Meera – 4th episode -ndtv imagine - part-1. [Video online].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ldCIpl9pI50> [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H4-5gTPwEFw>}

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2PwPLOJp_Jk> [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B5OAFOsh8fE>}

(45)

Episode 5

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OBEf8ZmRZ_M>}

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VgMYSZlGRpk>}

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkdeAd_LyL0> [Accessed}

14 September 2014].

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8wTO87GdbTk>}

Episode 6

Available at: < _{http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FwgJjuQHmmw>}

To others you may be the Lord but to me

Title: ”To others you may be the Lord, but to me you are my doll”: A

study of the depiction of the poet-saint Mīrā’s childhood in a 2009

TV serial.

Name: Adrian Plau

Student number: 602158

Programme: MA Languages and Cultures of South Asia

Date of submission: 15 September 2014

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments

Abstract

1. Introduction

2. Mīrā in hagiography and modern media

3. Theory, methodology and material

4. Analysis of material

5 The serial in context

6. Conclusion

Reference list