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ITACA ECONOMIC STUDIES

IES working paper 23 November 2015

THE DEBATE ON EURO: INTERNATIONAL AND ITALIAN MATTERS

Quirino Biscaro § # +

ABSTRACT

In the first phase of the Monetary Union the discussion focused on advantages and disadvantages related to the Eurozone. The Euro was founded with only three objectives, but absolutely relevant for the member countries: a uniform growth among States, a strong defense by international economic and financial shocks, the control of the inflation rate. After 15 years, only the inflation goal was fulfilled; but the Eurozone went even further: now the problem is deflation, that is damaging as much as, if not more, of a high inflation. The growth of the member countries is still asymmetric. In the spring and summer of 2011, some bearish operations on government bonds have put in a corner Italy, Spain, Greece and Portugal. In the winter 2011-2012 Italy was "urged" by the ECB toward a defined list of actions (to reduce its public debt and to realize some economic and institutional reforms), because Euro was suffering a great danger. The concerns of the strong Eurozone countries were self-evident, because a default of Italy would probably have resulted in the end of the Euro (one of the top 10 world's GDP, the second EU manufacturing, a founding country of EU and Eurozone). This implies that Euro substantially fails the remaining objective, perhaps the most important one: to defend the member countries from economic and financial shocks. In fact, it was the Euro that would have to defend the member countries, and not vice versa. As a consequence, the current debate moves on the convenience to leave the Euro. It must be outlined that in the financial world there are conflicting opinions, whereas in the scientific world there seems to be a strong orientation against the Monetary Union, at least in the format in which it is currently conceived.

§ International Trade Academic Center of Advisory

# School of Economics, Languages and Entrepreneurship (Univ. of Venice) + Fabbri Foundation

Keywords: Euro, Euro break-up, Monetary Union, ECB, UBS, Bank of America, Merryl Linch

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1. THE DEBATE BEFORE THE CURRENT CRISIS

"... no more borders, no more customs, no more taxes, free trade ... a continental currency ... founded on Europe as a whole, with the free activity of two hundred million people as engine."

Victor Hugo, at a banquet in February 1855

At the end of the '90 the common people, the firms and the public authorities were asking themselves several questions about Euro. The Monetary Union seemed ambivalent as a cure-all for the economy of the member countries, as well as a bitter medicine that some strong-economy countries have wanted to give to the weak-economies countries. The opinions were rather divided; they emerged two distinct parties: a base scenario (Euro-optimistic), founded on a strong Euro, and a opposite alternative scenario (Euro-skeptic), based on a weak Euro.

1.1 The base scenario: a strong Euro

The cornerstones of this scenario could be summarized as follows:

‐ a higher degree of cooperation between countries; ‐ a higher resistance to speculation;

‐ a cut (and a stabilization) of the financial costs, with savings in transaction costs;

‐ a more precise planning of the business activity, due to a lower exchange rate fluctuation;

‐ a competitive effect that sooner or later has a positive impact on employment and on the overall economic growth.

Consequently the Euro-optimistic has foreshadowed that:

‐ in Euro countries starts a policy of fiscal consolidation;

‐ the ECB earns prestige with a moderately restrictive monetary policy; ‐ inflation remains permanently near (not over) 2%;

‐ a institutional conflict between bankers and policy-makers has no reason to exist; ‐ Euro becomes an international reserve currency.

1.2 The alternative scenario: a weak Euro

The supporters of the opposite scenario believed that:

‐ Europe already has a strong currency: the Deutsche Mark;

‐ Maastricht Treaty is founded on a one-way monetary vision of the economy: employment and welfare in

fact they depend on the currency, the only independent variable; ‐ is in itself a sign of weakness the freedom to join or not to Euro; ‐ there is a risk of a two-speed Europe, which in turn implies no Europe;

‐ there is a gray area between the skills of bankers and those of the policy makers; ‐ the ECB has a limited power compared to that typical of a central bank;

‐ in presence of an asymmetric shock, a national central bank can not act alone; without fiscal transfers from the european central budget the shock would cause a segmentation between countries;

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2. THE EVIDENCE ALONG 15 YEARS

"The Euro should not exist. More specifically, the Euro as it currently constituted, with its current structure and current membership, should not exist. This Euro creates more economic costs than benefits for at least some of its members."

Deo, Donovan and Hatheway (2011), pag. 2

The Maastricht Treaty is actually unbalanced on the monetary side of the economy. One of the 5 parameters of the Treaty is a technical nonsense: it is the well known Debt / GDP ratio, that compares a stock (Debt) and a flow (GDP), with a devastating threshold (60%). If the banking system adopt it, it would grant a loan of 100,000 euro to those who have a gross income amounting to 167,000 euro !

The feared conflict between the bankers and the policy-makers is a reality.

After 15 year, the expected positive effects for the economy (employment and GDP growth) have took place only for some Eurozone members: the fears of asymmetric development are materializing.

The ECB does anything than expected institutionally, that is flatten inflation. In fact, from 2011 it implements monetary actions clearly and exclusively expansive: with the Quantitative Easing it reduces the cost of borrowing for the Government involved, and it introduces a lot of money into the economic system. On the other hand, inflation is lowering alone, due to the collapse in aggregate demand. If the ECB doesn't acts as a purely central bank, is virtually useless.

The origin of the problem is clear: the Eurozone is not, and never has been, an optimal currency area. This is the necessary condition to any single currency, but it requires compliance with at least one of two specific features:

‐ the economies of member countries are homogeneous: they move in the same direction, at the same speed, in the same periods

‐ the economic and social systems are flexibles enough to allow the equalization of asymmetries by "migration" of labour, wage adjustments, automatic fiscal stabilizers (from the latter comes the Fiscal Compact)

But it's not just this, although sufficient to explain the difficulties of Euro. There are other relevant factors:

‐ the Monetary Union is literally just monetary, and the Eurozone needs some common social and legal policies;

‐ the current crisis has outlined the need of North-South policy actions; ‐ the lack of truly common policies allows divergent national policies;

‐ the european policy makers have not realized the threats hidden under some false opportunities: as an example, the real estate boom of Ireland and Spain which actually turned out to be a speculative bubble.

Perhaps it is not yet the time to declare the Euro failure. However it is certain that the single currency has failed to defend some member countries from financial shocks: a few bearish operations of about twenty banks were sufficient to put in a corner 4 Eurozone member states (Greece, Portugal, Spain and Italy).

The difficulties of Euro are self-evident. At the core of the current debate there aren't the advantages for a country that wants to join the Eurozone, but the costs to bear for a country that instead wants get out of it.

Briefly, the options under valuation are as follows:

‐ the exit from Euro of a weak country;

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About these options a lot of people have something to say, but it is necessary to pay attention to financial and scientific world. It is also useful the shifting of the debate from the global level to the national level, to be more specific and to discuss the more troublesome hypothesis among those questioned: the exit of Italy.

3. THE DEBATE WITHIN THE FINANCIAL MARKETS

In this section, the discussion is focused on the possible exit from Euro of Italy. This is an event likely disruptive for Euro: among the 4 mentioned countries (Italy, Greece, Portugal and Spain), in the Eurozone Italy is the one having an economic and political level of first magnitude.

3.1 The UBS opinion

Deo, Donovan and Hathaway (2011) states that the exit costs from Euro are dramatic for a weak country, and still very highs even for a strong country. This implies that the Euro should be maintained even if it is absolutely necessary to reform it1.

Considering Italy a weak country, the UBS study would assigns the following exit costs:

‐ the default of the public debt if it remains denominated in Euro, due to the inability to recover the necessary foreign currency;

‐ the default of the public debt also if it becomes denominated in Italian Lira, due to unsustainable increases in interest rate;

‐ the collapse of the banking system, due to a bank run; ‐ the exit not only from Euro but also from EU;

‐ the exit from EU would be also followed by european protectionist measures that should offset the benefits of the (obvious) devaluation of the Italian Lira;

‐ some civil unrest, the risk of civil war or dictatorial tendencies; ‐ a fall of the GDP of about 40%-50%.

This scenario is likely for Italy? Anyone can give to himself the answer. Before you do, however, recall that UBS uses extremes hypotheses: the yardstick is the Argentina at the time of its default. In detail:

‐ a devaluation of the national currency of about 50%-60%; ‐ a loss of about 50% of foreign trade;

‐ the costs of recapitalization of the banking system "transferred" on the depositors.

However, it is quite clear that Italy cannot be compared to Argentina at the time of its default, as it has:

‐ one of the top 10 world's GDP;

‐ the second EU manufacturing;

‐ a trademark that no one else can claim (Made in Italy);

‐ a banking system certainly not among the most advanced but more solid than the argentinian;

‐ a real economy much more diversified; to the manufacturing potential, Italy adds two others positive factors: the touristic and the historical-cultural ones, as factors of growth unimaginable for Argentina (and nearly all other countries).

The UBS study is also filled with other critical factors:

‐ the devaluation of the exchange rate is abnormal, if compared to that adopted by others [as an example, the 11% of Woo and Vamvakidis (2012), the 25% of the french economist J. Sapir, etc];

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‐ protectionist measures envisaged against the outgoing country are possible only in case of exit from EU, and however should have a unusual size to be able to offset the hypothesized depreciation (50%-60%); ‐ even with such a reaction of EU, it seems overstated to consider that international italian trade "is likely to

be disrupted" [Deo, Donovan and Hatheway (2011), pag. 7]: with the hypothesized devaluation, the Made in Italy would become much less expensive (a Ferrari 458 basic version now costs about $ 256,000; with the hypothesized devaluation the equivalent price drops under $ 130,000: it is therefore clear that its potential market should grows out of proportion].

3.2 The Bank of America & Merryll Lynch opinion

A study of this bank [Woo and Vamvakidis (2012)] argues that an exit from Euro would not induce unsustainable costs, and develops a scenario of a planned exit. Considering the 11 largest economies in the Eurozone, the study comes to the surprising conclusion that Italy (together with Ireland) is the country that would have the greatest incentive to abandon the Euro, given the cost-benefit balance.

This outcome is derived from a 4 steps model. The first is to test the strength in planning the exit from Euro. On this point the assessment is based on the Primary Balance and on the Current Account Balance, both as a percentage of GDP. After Germany and Austria, Italy stands at the third place in the ranking (with Netherlands).

The second step concerns the impact on growth. Based on the hypothesized depreciation (11% of the real exchange rate), the share of exports to GDP and the growth potential (output gap), the study estimates a growth of 3%. Italy would be second in the ranking (Ireland would be the first).

The third step is the impact on the (real) cost of public debt, for which it is hypothesized a conversion into national currency. According to an econometric regression between the Standard & Poors country rating, the nominal cost of 10-year government bonds and the inflation rate, it is shows that Italy surprisingly should benefit for a reduction in the real cost of public debt of about 20 basis points (- 0.2%). Italy is the fifth country of the ranking.

Finally, the fourth step is to determine the impact on the overall balance of the country respect of the rest of the world. Refering to the Net International Investment Position (NIIP), stated by the IMF on the Balance of Payments, the NIIP to GDP ratio would increase by 15%. In this aspect Italy is the fourth country of the ranking.

The 4 steps imply an overall ranking that push Italy to the first place (tied with Ireland). Therefore it would be the Eurozone country with the greater convenience for a (planned) exit from Euro.

This scenario is likely for Italy? As with the UBS study, anyone can get a feel. However it is certain that:

‐ the parameters underlying the estimates are more appropriate to the size and nature of the Italian economy;

‐ the results are derived from the application of a specific quantitative model.

4. THE SCIENTIFIC DEBATE

Many economists are measuring on problems related to Eurozone. Claims and counter claims, assumptions and thesis abound. It is useful to summarize this complex debate briefly citing the thought of some great economists. Some of them are facing the Eurozone problems from a general point of view, others specifically mention the italian problems; the reported phrases were published on Il Sole 24 Ore on 17 December 2013:

1. Milton Friedman (from 31 July 1912 to 16 November 2006; Nobel Prize for Economics in 1976):

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2. James Mirrlees (Cambridge University, Nobel Prize for Economics in 1996):

"I would not to suggest policies to change the current situation ... However, looking from the outside, I say that you should not stay in Euro2, but get out of it now."

3. Amartya Sen (Harvard University, Nobel Prize for Economics in 1998):

"The euro was a horrible idea. ... An error that put the European economy on the wrong track. A single currency is not a good way to begin to unite Europe. Economic weaknesses lead animosity, rather than strengthen the reasons for being together. They have a break-effect, rather than a binding one. The Europe doesn't needs the tensions that have arisen."

4. Joseph Stiglitz (Columbia Business School, Nobel Prize for Economics in 2001): "This crisis, this is an artificial disaster and essentially has four letters: Euro."

5. Paul Krugman (Princeton University, Nobel Prize for Economics in 2008):

"

By adopting Euro, Italy has been reduced to the status of a Third World nation that has to borrow a

foreign currency, with all the damages that this implies.

"

6. Christopher Pissarides (London School of Economics, Nobel Prize for Economics in 2010):

"

The current situation is not sustainable for much longer. It is necessary to abolish the Euro to create the

confidence that the member countries they had each other.

"

5. A SUMMARY

"I am sure the Euro will oblige us to introduce a new set of economic policy instruments. It is politically impossible to propose that now. But some day there will be a crisis and new instruments will be created.” Romano Prodi, EU Commission President, December 2001.

1. In the initial stage of the Monetary Union were discussed advantages and disadvantages for countries that joined the Euro.

2. The objectives of the single currency were not many, but absolutely relevant for the future of the member countries: a uniform growth among States, a strong defense by international economic and financial shocks, the control of the inflation rate.

3. After 15 years, only one of these goals was fulfilled: the control of the inflationary pressures. Eurozone went even further: now the problem is deflation, that is damaging as much as, if not more, of a high inflation. 4. The growth of the member countries is still asymmetric. This is perhaps the basic reason for the debt crisis of

the so-called PIGS (or PIGSI, as the majority of investors will also includes Italy).

5. The international financial markets, supported by a group of about 20 banks (including Deutsche Bank), in the spring and summer of 2011 "have took the opportunity" with some bearish operations on government bonds of PIGSI; a similar situation happened in 1993 against Italy and Great Britain (which were forced out the European Monetary System)3.

6. In the winter 2011-2012, Italy was "urged" by the ECB toward a defined list of actions (reduction of its public debt and realization of some economic and institutional reforms), because Euro was suffering a great danger. The concerns of the strong Eurozone countries were self-evident, because a default of Italy would probably have resulted in the end of the Euro (one of the top 10 world's GDP, the second EU manufacturing, a founding country of EU and Eurozone).

2

He refers to Italy. 3

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7. This implies that Euro substantially fails the remaining relevant objective: to defend the member countries from economic and financial shocks. In fact, it was the Euro that would have to defend the member countries, and not vice versa.

8. As a consequence, the current debate moves on the convenience to leave the Euro. It must be outlined that in the financial world there are conflicting opinions, whereas in the scientific world there seems to be a strong orientation against the Monetary Union, at least in the format in which it is currently conceived.

"Europe was not suited to the single currency, as is the United States. Spain and Florida had the same real estate bubble. The population of Florida has sought work in other states less affected by the crisis, but the spanish did not have the same chance." (Paul Krugman, Il Sole 24 Ore, 17 December 2013).

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