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CONCLUSION

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Empirical and theoretical research on work–life conflict is abundant and growing (Perry-Jenkins et al. 2000). At the same time, research on self- employment has proliferated in the last decade (Aldrich 2004). However, there is a paucity of research that examines the two phenomena together i.e.

work–life conflict among the self-employed (for exceptions see Jurik 1998;

Loscocco 1997; Parasuraman and Simmers 2001). Furthermore, when au- thors have examined work–life conflict among the self-employed, they have not used nationally representative samples or distinguished between conflict that arises from WIL and conflict that arises from LIW. We were able to fill this gap. First, we examined whether self-employment can reduce the extent to which work and life roles interfere with each other. Ultimately, we found that work interferes more with life among wage and salary workers than among the self-employed. On the other hand, we found that life interferes more with work among the self-employed.

Drawing on border theory (Ashforth et al. 2000) and work/life boundary theory (Clark 2000), we examined three types of control that help explain why self-employment helps prevent work from interfering with life. More specifically, we found that autonomy and temporal control help to prevent work from interfering with life and actually eliminate the observed effect of self-employment. In other words, control over the content, duration, and timing of work are crucial mechanisms by which self-employment prevents work roles from interfering with life roles. Put differently, when wage and

Economic Freedom or Self-imposed Strife 53

salary and self-employed workers have similar levels of control, they expe- rience similar levels of work–life conflict.

In addition, gender plays an interesting role in determining how much work will interfere with life. When trying to understand how self-employment may help solve workplace problems, it is instructive to compare levels of conflict among wage and salary workers and self-employed workers of the same gender. It is also useful to look for gender differences in the levels of conflict experienced by the self-employed. We find that self-employed men and women experience similar levels of work interference, only because self- employment reduces interference among women. In short, our analysis sug- gests that self-employment is more beneficial for women than for men.

These findings have two sets of implications. First, on average, self- employment may have the potential to reduce (though not eliminate) the tendency for work to interfere with life. This reduction, however, is because of control. Therefore, when organizations provide their employees with autonomy and control over the amount and timing of work and job responsibilities, work should interfere with life responsibilities less often.

Second, these findings imply that it is not self-employment per se that decreases conflict for women but rather the control they gain from it. Self- employment has more benefits for women than for men, but this appears to be because they experience a bigger increase in control. In fact, self-em- ployed men report the same levels of work interference as wage and salary men. When we control for the relative levels of control that the two groups enjoy, self-employment itself actually leads to slightly higher levels of interference from work. Ultimately, this means that control is the key. If self-employed women do not have control, they will not have lowered levels of work-life conflict. Similarly, if wage and salary women had more control, they would have less conflict.

Nevertheless, as we said, WIL is only half the equation. Many U.S.

workers also find that life can interfere with work, and with respect to this type of conflict, the self-employed are worse off than their wage and salary counterparts. Ironically, the disadvantage is partially explained by the tem- poral flexibility that made the self-employed less prone to interference from work. The other part of the explanation is that the self-employed are more likely to work at home than wage and salary workers. We suspect that people who work at home or have flexible schedules are more susceptible to interruptions from friends and family, who may intentionally or uninten- tionally cross the temporal and physical boundaries of work. Without time clocks, official schedules, telephone routing systems, or bosses to ward off interruptions, the self-employed simply lack many of the structures and

people that shield wage and salary workers from life’s interruptions. Clark (2000) discussed the permeability of home and work borders and suggested that permeability can in fact increase conflict. Our results show that per- meability may indeed increase conflict – conflict that arises from the life sphere.

Our work has implications for future research in both the self-employment literature and the work–life conflict literature. First, our findings suggest a need for longitudinal studies that examine whetherswitchingfrom wage and salary work to self-employment reduces or increases conflict in either di- rection. In our work, we can deduce that moving from a workplace that offers little control to self-employment (that offers a lot of control) will tend to decrease the extent to which work interferes with life. It is possible, however, that the self-employed are simply more inclined to report low levels of conflict than their wage and salary counterparts. Resolving this issue will require longitudinal data about workers who switch to self-em- ployment or at least retrospective evaluations of the conflict that self-em- ployed people had while they were wage and salary workers (see for instance Green and Cohen 1995). Nevertheless, we have shown that it is control that helps prevent WIL.

Second, although our results indicate that gender may moderate the effects of self-employment, more research will be needed to determine if gen- der differences in the nature of self-employment may be driving our results.

Self-employment research has shown that men and women own different types of businesses in different industries (Baker, Aldrich and Liou 1997), work different hours, and have different sets of business networks (Renzulli, Aldrich and Moody 2000). In fact, women still lag behind men in their rates of ownership, profit, size, and success. Further research should evaluate these differences as a cause and consequence of the gendered relationship between self-employment and work–life conflict. It may be that the gender differences in our results reflect the types of businesses women own.

Third, our work examines control but not necessarily action. The next step for research in the area of work–life conflict is to study the effects of using the temporal and physical control workers may have. If having control over one’s schedule is associated with life interfering with work, is that because the control itself causes the interference or because workers who have such control change their work schedules frequently?

So, is self-employment the answer? Is it a panacea for work–life conflict?

As long as organizations remain inflexible and family unfriendly (see Clarkberg and Moen 2001;Glass and Estes 1997), self-employment may be an important path to workplace control that can help prevent work from

Economic Freedom or Self-imposed Strife 55

interfering with life. Unfortunately, self-employed does nothing to reduce the extent to which life interferes with work – in fact, it seems like a trade off between the sources of conflict.

NOTES

1. Although many authors use the term work–family conflict, we prefer the more general term, work–life conflict because people who do not have traditional families also experience conflict between their work and personal or family roles. This change in terminology is consistent with the definition of ‘‘family’’ used by the Sloan Work and Family Research Network (see: http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/wfnetwork/rft/

mapping.html).

2. The definition of an entrepreneur is debated among scholars (see Gartner 1988), but for our purposes entrepreneurs and the self-employed are used synon- ymously.

3. Clark (1999) suggests that when the domains of home and work are similar, the blending of work and life roles (i.e. multitasking life and work activities) may reduce work–life conflict. Running an in-home day care center, for example, might allow a woman to work (by caring for other children) and attend to a life role (by caring for her own child) at the same time. Unfortunately, the 1997 NSCW data do not provide measures of domain similarity or the blending of work and life activities.

4. In contrast to most of our other hypotheses, this one mentions both WIL and LIW because unlike temporal flexibility and autonomy, working at home should affect the permeability of the boundary between work and life domains.

5. Since we are interested in the interplay between work and life roles, we would prefer to conduct an analysis that includes people who live alone but still have family and personal responsibilities. Unfortunately, the NSCW did not ask people who live alone how satisfied they are with their personal or family lives. Therefore, our anal- ysis only includes people who lives with a spouse, partner, or at least one person to whom they are related by blood or adoption.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Southern Sociological Society Annual Meetings in Atlanta, GA, 2004. We would like to thank participants at the sessions and Amy Davis for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

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PART II:

THE ENTREPRENEURSHIP

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