Example 14
A New Zealander who had moved to England decided to prepare a dessert involving fruit which in her New Zealand childhood had been called chinese gooseberries . As a result of successful linguistic engineering, followed by a good promotional campaign, she knew they were now known in New Zealand and overseas as kiwifruit . She was somewhat dismayed, however, on opening her English recipe book to read the fi rst instruction ‘Slice up 6 Kiwis’. In New Zealand, Kiwi refers to a New Zealander!
Language planning is defi ned most simply as deliberate language change. This covers a wide variety of activities including the introduction of new labels for fruit, the reform of spelling systems and the provision of advice on non-sexist terminology such as Ms and chairperson , a topic discussed in chapter 12 . It also includes the development of national languages and standard dialects, as illustrated in this chapter.
Language planners generally focus on specifi c language problems. Their role is to develop a policy of language use which will solve the problems appropriately in particular speech communities. This chapter has focused in some detail on a few specifi c cases of language plan- ning in order to exemplify some of the issues which have to be resolved by language planners, and some of the ways which have been used to resolve them. We have seen for instance that language planners may need to develop a variety upwards into new H domains, as with Swahili, Tok Pisin, Indonesian and Nynorsk, or alternatively downwards into new L domains as in the case of Hebrew, Bokmål and to some extent Mandarin Chinese.
This chapter has been concerned mainly with the language policies of countries and states rather than the language behaviour of individuals. Yet it has been clear that ultimately it is the patterns of linguistic behaviour of individual language users that determines whether a national policy will succeed or not. If people do not use an offi cial language then it will simply wither away. If recommendations about approved or preferred spellings are ignored, they will become defunct. The reasons why people adopt one form and not another are complicated. Language constructs aspects of identity and membership of particular groups as well as nationhood.
Multilingualism highlights linguistic diversity and makes it easier to perceive, as we have seen in the fi rst part of this book. But it is clear that there is rich linguistic diversity within languages too. Members of monolingual speech communities use this diversity to signal their attitudes and allegiances, and construct their social identities and relationships, just as multilingual people use their different languages for these purposes. Kalala (in chapter 2 , example 1 ) signalled his ethnic group membership and constructed solidarity with other members of his tribe when he used Shi. He consolidated his relationships within his friend- ship and age groups when he used Indoubil. His variety of Swahili signalled his regional and social background. In section II of this book, we will look in some detail at how monolinguals draw on their linguistic resources to signal such non-linguistic information, and how they use these resources to construct social identities and social relationships.
Answers to exercises in chapter 5
Answer to exercise 1
This is a good question to discuss with others since an exchange of views is likely to be helpful.
There can certainly be no defi nitive answer to such a question. Nevertheless, lin guistic features of the language are less relevant than attitudinal, political and social factors. So statements (a) and (g) are probably least relevant to the adoption of the language as a national language, and statements (c) and (e) are relevant only to the extent that they express Paraguayans’ attitudes to their language and suggest that it could be developed relatively easily if adopted for other reasons. Statements (b), (d) and (f) are the ones I would rate highest, with (h) an interesting indication of the political value of knowing the language. Overall it must be recognised that the preservation and maintenance of the language has owed much to political factors. Guaraní has proved useful politically as a unifying symbol for the nation.
Answer to exercise 2
The list below is based on the status given these languages by the governments of the relevant countries. In many countries, there is no one language which can adequately serve as the only offi cial language. A world language such as English is often used as an offi cial language for external offi cial functions, alongside a local language which serves internal offi cial functions (e.g. Philippines, Tanzania). In some countries, giving more than one language the status of offi cial language is a way of recognising the linguistic and cultural diversity within the country (e.g. India, Papua New Guinea, Singapore).
Country Offi cial language(s)
Australia English (‘de facto’)
Belgium Dutch (Flemish), French, German
Brazil Portuguese
Canada English, French
Finland Finnish, Swedish
France Frence
Haiti French, Haitian Creole
India Hindi, English, 22 regional languages 1
Indonesia Indonesian
Kenya Swahili, English
New Zealand Maori, New Zealand Sign Language, English (‘de facto’)
Norway Norwegian (Nynorsk, Bokmål), Sami
Papua New Guinea English, Tok Pisin, Hiri Motu
Paraguay Guaraní, Spanish
Philippines Filipino, English
Singapore Malay, Mandarin, Tamil, English
Tanzania Swahili, English (‘de facto’)
Uruguay Spanish
Vanuatu Bislama, French, English
Answer to exercise 3
Your answer will indicate your views about the relationship between language and nation.
The attitudes expressed by the men cited refl ect the tendency to see language and nation as synonymous – one language = one nation. This view of the ‘ideal’ nation-state as a single people using a single language is very widely held. To some extent, it is apparent in the descriptions (derived from those of sociolinguists involved) of the language situations in Paraguay presented above and Tanzania below. Alternative views are possible, however.
Some sociolinguists argue, for example, that the ‘one nation–one language’ refl ects the hegemonic impact of predominantly monolingual cultures such as those of France and England, where one ethnic group dominates, and is in control of political power. They sug- gest that studying standard English is not likely to lead to a love of England for a British Black whose home language variety is ridiculed and repressed, and whose economic prospects are depressing. Nor is it likely that linguistic minorities in Britain, such as speakers of Panjabi, Polish and Greek, will be very enthusiastic about a ‘one nation–one language’
viewpoint.
Answer to exercise 4
The obvious answer is that materials are already available in English for teaching at these levels, and it will clearly be cheaper to use these than to develop materials in Swahili. As a world language, English will also give students access to a wider information base.
The counter-arguments involve considering the level of linguistic competence in a lan- guage which is necessary before it is possible to learn effectively through it at secondary and tertiary level. Most Tanzanians identify strongly with Swahili and they are fl uent in it by the end of primary or elementary school. The switch to English as the medium for education in secondary school is likely to create a barrier for at least some Tanzanians. Those from poor backgrounds and rural areas are most vulnerable. Not all will succeed in mastering English well enough to gain the benefi ts it offers.
Answer to exercise 5
The discussion of Swahili illustrates that it can be regarded as serving all these functions in Tanzania.
Unifying : Swahili serves to unify Tanzanians, since it is not the language of a particular tribe. It offers advantages over tribal languages as a means of communication, education and access to government jobs, for instance.
Separatist : Since Swahili is used throughout East Africa as a lingua franca, this function is not so clearly realised as others. Guaraní in Paraguay is a better example of a language serving this separatist function, since it clearly distinguishes Paraguay from other South American nations. Swahili sets the country off from surrounding countries only to the extent that it is the national language of Tanzania. However, the standard used is a distinctly Tanzanian variety of Swahili. It is certainly regarded by many Tanzanians as a symbol of their separate national identity.
Prestige : There is no doubt about the status of Swahili as a proper or ‘real’ language. It has much greater status in the nation as a whole than any tribal vernacular language.
Frame of reference function : There is a standard variety of Swahili which exists alongside a range of regional varieties. The standard was developed from the variety spoken in Zanzibar town. The standard is clearly recognised as the norm and other varieties are regarded as regionally marked.
Answer to exercise 6
Selecting a code : In Israel, the chosen language had to act as a Jewish symbol and therefore had to be a Jewish language. Hence the only real choices for the people of Israel were Yiddish or Hebrew. The selection of Hebrew was basically a political decision. It was considered the only possible choice for the great majority of Israeli Jews. Not all Jews spoke Yiddish and it had little prestige. For many the associations of Yiddish – especially the variety closely related to German linguistically – were simply unacceptable.
Codifi cation : Like Latin, Hebrew is a highly codifi ed variety. Grammars and dictionaries already existed. Spelling and pronunciation rules based on classical texts existed too.
Codifi cation of the modern variety of Hebrew which has now emerged is still in progress.
Elaboration : This is where most work needed to be done. The selection of forms for use in everyday conversation involved drawing on a variety of literary dialects of Hebrew, as well as the various, mainly European, vernaculars spoken by immigrants to Israel.
Acceptance : Hebrew had great prestige. People respected it and revered it as the language of religion and literature. An extensive literary revival of Hebrew in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries meant it was used for new and broader functions by writers. This pre- pared the ground for its being seen as the obvious candidate for national language. It was adopted as a vernacular fi rst in the 1880s by enthusiasts who persuaded people to teach it to their children as a fi rst language, though some felt it was too sacred for everyday use. Its advantages as a lingua franca between immigrants who spoke many different languages generally added to its attractions. So its prestige, its unifying function and its usefulness all contributed to its acceptance.
In 1922, Hebrew was recognised, alongside English and Arabic, as an offi cial language in British-ruled Palestine, and in 1948 Hebrew became an offi cial language of the newly declared State of Israel.
This answer, and the account of the establishment of Hebrew as the national language of Israel, is based on the sources listed below. An alternative analysis regards Hebrew as a creole with Yiddish as the substrate language and Hebrew as the superstrate or lexifi er language. An even more radical position labels the language as Israeli and regards it as a creole with input from Hebrew, Yiddish and a number of European languages including Russian and Polish.
Answer to exercise 7
While linguists have obvious expertise in developing the form of a standard variety, the task of promoting the variety will require a variety of skills and resources which are not particularly linguistic. However, sociolinguists have a role to play in advising on the relative advantages and disadvantages of different varieties from the point of view of their likelihood of acceptance. Some varieties begin with a head-start – Swahili in Tanzania, for instance, had a great deal going for it in terms of acceptance compared with English, and was therefore easier to promote. Promoting Yiddish would have been very problematic in Israel.
Answer to exercise 9
Items (d) and (f) are obvious borrowings referring to foodstuffs introduced by Europeans.
Item (a) is a borrowing: there are no snakes in New Zealand and the concept was introduced with the English language. Similarly items (c) and (h) refer to imported objects. The Maori Language Commission would not try to alter or replace well-established borrowings such as these with native Maori words.
The remaining words (b), (e), (g), (i) and (j) are Maori words, as you might have guessed since they refer to New Zealand items, or to concepts which are basic in most cultures.
Answer to exercise 10
In implementing a language policy to extend the use of a particular variety or code, most governments use both the education system, and the mass media – newspapers, radio, TV.
They also encourage and approve the use of the language in offi cial spheres of administration.
An effective education system can be a very powerful means of extending the functions of a particular variety, spreading profi ciency in the variety and giving it status which increases its acceptability, as both the Chinese and the Tanzanian examples illustrate. Organised efforts to promote the learning of a language have been labelled acquisition planning .
Answer to exercise 12
If we defi ne acquisition planning as language planning aimed at assisting people to acquire a new variety then we need to consider the reasons for decisions about language use in each domain in order to decide whether these count as examples of acquisition planning. A decision
to use the language of a minority ethnic group in church might be made for ideological reasons – because the language symbolises the community’s distinctiveness, for example.
Encouraging acquisition might not be a priority. On the other hand, if the church wishes to encourage children to learn the ethnic language, this could be an example of acquisition planning. If the workforce comprises a large number of workers from a minority ethno- linguistic group, a decision to use the language of this group in the workplace might be made for reasons of effi cient communication or to help make employees feel more comfortable. If a company is committed to language maintenance, however, their decision to encourage use of the minority language in the workplace could be regarded as a contribution to acquisition planning at the micro-level.
■ Concepts introduced National language Offi cial language
De facto and de jure status of languages Linguistic landscapes
Language planning
■ Status or prestige planning ■ Corpus planning
■ Acquisition planning Codifi cation
■ References
The basic concepts introduced in this chapter are discussed further in the following sources:
Cooper (1989) Crystal (2010) Eastman (1983)
Garvin and Mathiot (1956) Haugen (1966a)
Kaplan and Richard Baldauf (2005) Rubin and Jernudd (1971)
Trudgill (2000)
The following sources provided material for this chapter:
Blanc (1968), Cooper (1989), Gold (1989) on Hebrew Bourhis (1983) on French in Quebec
Cameron and Bourne (1989) on English Choi (2005), Rubin (1968, 1985) on Paraguay Coupland (2010) on Welsh and linguistic landscapes Crowley (1990) on Bislama in Vanuatu
Fraser (2006) on French and English in Canada Haugen (1959, 1965, 1966b) on Norwegian Jahr (1989) on Norwegian
Jaworksi and Thurlow (2010) on linguistic landscapes Kirkwood (1989) on the Soviet Union
Landry and Bourhis (1997) on linguistic landscaping and ethnolinguistic vitality Macalister (2012) on Timor-Leste
Mputubwele (2003) on Democratic Republic of Congo-Zaire Russell (1989) on Swahili in Tanzania
Trudgill (2000) on Norwegian Vikör (1995) on Norwegian
Whiteley (1968, 1969) on Swahili in Tanzania Wiggen (1997) on Norwegian
Wurm (1985) on Tok Pisin
www.cal.org/co/haiti/hlang.html on Haiti
www.throng.co.nz/maori-television/ on Maori television statistics
http://taiwantoday.tw/ct.asp?xItem=186691&ctNode=454 on International Mother Language Day Zuckermann (2003) on Israeli and alternative approaches to Hebrew
■ Quotations
Example 4 is taken from the Dominion (a daily newspaper published in Wellington, New Zealand), 1/8/89.
Example 8 is from the San Francisco Chronicle , 26/12/82.
Example 10 is from the New Zealand Listener , 5/4/86.
The quotation on the success of the Speak Mandarin Campaign in Singapore is from Chew (2007: 77).
■ Useful additional reading
Fasold (1984), Chs 2 and 9 McColl Millar (2005) Mesthrie et al. (2009), Ch. 12 Meyerhoff (2011), Ch. 6 Myers-Scotton (2005), Ch. 12
Paulston and Tucker (2003), Parts X and XI Ricento (2005)
Shohamy (2006) Spolsky (2009) Wardhaugh (1987) Wardhaugh (2010), Ch. 15
■ Note
1. Any state within India may adopt one or more offi cial state languages and the constitution of India thereby legislates that any offi cial state language is included in the offi cial languages of India.
Language Variation: Focus on Users
Section II
Section II
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I
n the fi rst section of this book, the focus was on language variation in multilingual communities. In this section, the focus moves to language variation in monolingual communities. People often use a language to signal their membership of particular groups and to construct different aspects of their social identity. Social status, gender, age, ethnicity and the kinds of social networks that people belong to turn out to be important dimensions of identity in many communities. I will illustrate the way people use language to signal and enact such affi liations in this second section of this book.Regional and social dialects
6 6
Example 1
Telephone rings.
Pat : Hello.
Caller : Hello, is Mark there?
Pat : Yes. Just hold on a minute.
Pat (to Mark) : There’s a rather well-educated young lady from Scotland on the phone for you.
When you answer the telephone, you can often make some pretty accurate guesses about various characteristics of the speaker. Pat was able to deduce quite a lot about Mark’s caller, even though the caller had said nothing explicitly about herself. Most listeners can identify that the caller is a child without any problem. When the caller is an adult, it is usually easy to tell whether a speaker is female or male. If the person has a distinctive regional accent, then their regional origins will be evident even from a short utterance. And it may also be possible to make a reasonable guess about the person’s socio-economic or educational background, as Pat did.
No two people speak exactly the same. There are infi nite sources of variation in speech.
A sound spectrograph, a machine which represents the sound waves of speech in visual form, shows that even a single vowel may be pronounced in hundreds of minutely different ways, most of which listeners do not even register. Some features of speech, however, are shared by groups, and become important because they differentiate one group from another. Just as different languages often serve a unifying and separating function for their speakers, so do speech characteristics within languages. The pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary of Scottish speakers of English is in some respects quite distinct from that of people from England, for example. Though there is variation within Scotland, there are also
some features which perform an overall unifying function. The letter r in words like girl and star is pronounced in a number of English-speaking areas, and Scotland is certainly one of them. And a Scot is far more likely to say I’ll not do it than I won’t do it .
Similarly the pronunciation of bath with the same vowel as in sat distinguishes a speaker from the north of England from a southerner. And while many speakers of English use the same vowel in the three words bag , map and bad , workers in Belfast pronounce them in ways that sound like [beg], [ma::rp] and [bod] to English people. Speech provides social information too. Dropping the initial [h] in words like house and heaven often indicates a lower socio-economic background in English. And so does the use of grammatical patterns such as they don’t know nothing them kids or I done it last week . We signal our group affi liations and our social identities by the speech forms we use.
Regional variation International varieties
Example 2
A British visitor to New Zealand decided that while he was in Auckland he would look up an old friend from his war days. He found the address, walked up the path and knocked on the door.
‘Gidday,’ said the young man who opened the door. ‘What can I do for you?’
‘I’ve called to see me old mate Don Stone,’ said the visitor.
‘Oh he’s dead now mate,’ said the young man.
The visitor was about to express condolences when he was thumped on the back by Don Stone himself. The young man had said, ‘Here’s dad now mate’, as his father came in the gate.
There are many such stories – some no doubt apocryphal – of mistakes based on regional accent differences. To British ears, a New Zealander’s dad sounds like an English person’s dead , bad sounds like bed and six sounds like sucks . Americans and Australians, as well as New Zealanders, tell of British visitors who were given pens instead of pins and pans instead of pens . On the other hand, an American’s god sounds like an English person’s guard , and an American’s ladder is pronounced identically with latter .
Wellington sux
Auckland nil
Graffi ti on a wall in Wellington
There are vocabulary differences in the varieties spoken in different regions too. Australians talk of sole parents , for example, while people in England call them single parents , and New Zealanders call them solo parents . South Africans use the term robot for British traffi c-light . British wellies ( Wellington boots ) are New Zealand gummies ( gumboots ), while the word togs refers to very different types of clothes in different places. In New Zealand, togs are what you swim in. In Britain you might wear them to a formal dinner.