II. THE CANONS OF THE SECOND SYNOD have a style quite different from those of the first, are not so simple,
5. No Christian is allowed to marry a blood-relation
At the close, the observance of these canons is declared to be the duty even of those bishops of the province who were not present. Archbishop
Montanus is requested to give early notice of each new Synod, and long life is wished to King Amalaric. f353
As a kind of appendix to this Synod, the Collections of Councils add two letters of Archbishop Montanus. The first, addressed to the faithful of the district of Palentia, blames the priests there, that they ventured themselves to consecrate the chrism. Such encroachments were forbidden, even in the Old Testament, and it was ordained by the synodal canons that the
parochienses presbyteri (this expression occurs here for the first time) should either personally, or through the Rectores Sacrariorum, f354 but not through less important persons, annually request the chrism from the bishop. He further complains that several of these priests had invited quite strange bishops for the consecration of churches, and that, in word and deed, they had supported the Priscillianist heresy. f355
The second letter of Archbishop Montanus presents several difficulties. f356 That Theoribius, or Turibius, to whom it is addressed, was a distinguished man, is clear from the titles which Montanus gives him: Domino eximio proeipuoque Christicoloe, Domino et filio. The context of the letter also shows that formerly, as a secular person, he had held a high office, probably that of governor, and in this position he had, in his district, completely put down the still existing heathenism, and also had greatly weakened the Priscillianist sect, on which account Montanus gives him
praise. Subsequently Turibius abandoned the world, as is indicated by the words in the letter: Cum adhuc floreres in seculo; and as Ferreras, in his History of Spain (vol. 2, sec. 252 sqq.), expressly asserts. He was indeed one of the principal promoters of Monasticism in Spain, and founder of the monastery of S. Toribio, on the northern coast of Spain, in the province of Burgos. The high regard in which, for this reason, he was held procured for him great influence, and this explains how Archbishop Montanus should call upon him to use his influence, as that of a Severissimus
sacerdos, in order to put a stop to the irregularity of the priests in Palentia with regard to the chrism. Montanus then further discusses, in an obscure manner not quite intelligible to us, f357 the second point of complaint against the people of Palentia in regard to the calling in of strange bishops.
Turibius seems to have upheld this irregularity, on which account
Montanus threatens to bring an accusation against him before the King and (the Governor) Erganes. This last part of the letter agrees little with the courtesy of the first half.
SEC. 242. SECOND SYNOD AT ORANGE, AND SYNOD AT VALENCE, A.D. 529.
One of the most important Synods of the sixth century was the Arausicana Secunda, which was held July 3, 529, at Orange (Arausio), in Southern Gaul. Occasion for it was given by the consecration of a church newly built at Orange by the Praefectus Praetorio for Gaul, Liberius. Under the
imitation of this highly distinguished man, Archbishop Caesarius of Arles, and the Bishops Julian, Constantius, Cyprian, Eucherius, a second
Eucherius, Heraclius, Principius, Philagrius, Maximus, Praetextatus, Alethius, Lupercianus, and Vindemialis assembled at Orange. The sees of these fourteen bishops are not mentioned. Caesarius, who first subscribed the minutes, added to his subscription the following chronological note:
Decio Juniore V. C. Consule. This points to the year 529, and shows that Baronius and many of the older scholars had been quite mistaken in removing our Synod to the times of Leo the Great. f358 At that time, as we know, Hilary occupied the see of Arles, and Caesarius was not yet born.
The inaccuracy of that earlier assertion is plain from this, that the
Praetorian Prefect Liberius founded the new church at Orange, and joined in subscribing the minutes of the Synod. This man also belongs to the sixth century, and was appointed by the East Gothic King Theoderic the Great as his Viceroy over the most recently annexed parts of Gallia Narbonensis.
f359 He discharged his office also under Theoderic’s successor and
grandson Amalaric, and to his kingdom Orange belonged at the time of our Synod. Felix IV. at that time sat on the papal throne. In the preface to the minutes the bishops state that they had assembled into a Synod on the occasion of the consecration of that church; and that, on account of those who did not think rightly on the subject of grace and free will (the
Semipelagians), at the exhortation of the apostolic see they had received and subscribed some Capitula sent to them by this see. These were collected from the books of the holy Fathers, and were quite adopted for the instruction of the erring. Therefore it was necessary that those who hitherto had not had the true faith respecting grace and free will should, after the perusal of these Capitula, turn their heart to the Catholic faith. f360 Archbishop Caesarius of Arles, like Faustus of Riez and other
Semipelagians, had been formerly a monk in the monastery at Lerins; but he held it for his sacred duty to oppose the Semipelagian heresy, which extended more and more after the death of Faustus (493); therefore he wrote, for the defense of the Augustinian doctrine, his once famous work, De Gratia et libero Arbitrio, a refutation of the work of Faustus with the same title. Pope Felix IV. commended the work of Caesarius in a special brief, and endeavored to circulate it. In spite of this it is lost. f361 Caesarius also acquainted the Pope with the doings of the Semipelagians in Gaul, and asked him for his assistance in suppressing the error. In his answer Pope Felix IV. sent him a number of Capitula, which were borrowed, some more, some less, literally from the writings of Augustine (and partly also of Prosper); but which were characterized by the Synod in the Praefatio as propositions of the antiqui patres, because Leo I., Pope Gelasius, Prosper of Aquitaine, and others had put forth the same statements and
propositions as Augustine, often with literal uniformity. f362
From what books of Augustine the particular Capitula of our Synod were taken, is a question which has been examined with great industry by Binius and others, particularly the monks of S. Maur in their edition of S.
Augustine (where they have also in vol. 10 printed the Capitula of Orange). In almost all cases they have found the passages. f363 In the minutes of our Synod twenty-five such Capitula are found; it must, however, remain undecided whether the whole of these in their completeness had come from Rome, or whether the Synod may have omitted anything, or added anything of its own. A Codex, formerly belonging to the Benedictine monastery of S. Maximus at Trier, contains
nineteen Capitula Sancti Augustini professing to be sent from Rome, which are generally identical with those of Orange, and may possibly be a copy of the original which came from Rome. f364
The high importance of the Chapters of Orange makes it desirable to append the original Latin text to the outline of the contents of each number. This is done in Sirmond, Concilia Gallioe, t. 1, page 216 sqq.;
Hardouin, t. 2, page 1098 sqq.; Mansi, t. 8, page 712 sqq.: Bruns, Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, vol. 1, pt. 2, page 177 sqq.; and in the tenth volume of the Benedictine edition of St. Augustine, ed. Migne, t. 10, page 1785 sqq., and ed. Gaume, t. 10, page 2447 sqq.
It is further to be remarked that the Council of Trent made large use of the canons of Orange in its canons De Justificatione.
1. The sin of Adam has injured not only the body, but also the soul of