When Calvin returned from the Diet of Worms, he wrote to Farel the following account of the matter:
“We have at length returned home, after an absence of almost three months. Our delay was occasioned by our adversaries, who
constantly were devising new artifices to delude us by spinning out the time. When the Emperor, was said to be approaching, we supposed that they would have a good pretext for their own justification. For during the whole period they had eluded any conference by the most impudent shufflings; and why did they not pretend that they could have no consultation, since the Emperor was now going to Ratisbon to hold the Diet? f40 But when all were preparing to depart, they unexpectedly gave us an opportunity for a conference. They were perhaps apprehensive, that they could not escape the accusation of dishonesty, if they did not commence, at least in appearance, when we had submitted to all their obtrusive conditions. For they had spent a whole month in proposing
absurdities for our admission, expecting that by our refusal, they should have an ostensible reason for accusing us with having prevented the conference. By our patience, we frustrated all their
expectations, by yielding to every condition which did not materially affect injuriously the cause of truth. At length the colloquy was opened. Eckius, being chosen by our adversaries for their advocate, commenced with a speech of two hours.
Melancthon answered more concisely. After dinner, Eckius again proceeded boisterously. On the following day, Philip answered him with great moderation. Eckius spoke again after dinner. The judges then pronounced, that they had disputed long enough about that article. f41 To the injustice of this sentence we objected, that it was intolerable that our adversaries should both open and close the debate. But Granville persisted in his sentence with the inflexible obstinacy of an Areopagite. Permission was obtained for our advocate to speak again, on condition, however, that our
adversaries should close the dispute. On the following day, Philip closed his argument, and Eckius, with more moderation than usual, ended the debate. I will not attempt to describe the monkish fastidiosity, the great audacity, insolence, and impudence, with which this ostentatious man vociferated. Imagine to yourself a barbarous sophist, exulting foolishly among his illiterate companions, and you will have the half of Eckius. — Granville having assembled the Diet, read the Emperor’s letter by which it was dissolved; and the promise was given, that he would examine the unfinished business at Ratisbon.”
Calvin also attended the Diet at Ratisbon, and from that place thus writes to Farel concerning the meeting:
“Many most splendid embassies have arrived from foreign nations.
Cardinal Contarinus, the legate of the Pope, on his entering the town, scattered over us so many signs of the cross, that his arm, I apprehend, did not recover in two days from the painful labor. The bishop of Modena was sent as a special Nuncio. Contarinus would have us submit without bloodshed, and labors by all means to complete the business without having recourse to arms. The Nuncio is for bloodshed, and has nothing but war in his mouth.
Both agree in cutting off all hopes of amicable discussion. The Venitian ambassador is a man of great pomp and parade. The English, besides the resident minister, have sent the bishop of
Winchester with a splendid retinue, a man too maliciously cunning.
The ambassadors of Portugal, and several others, I omit to name.
The king of France has sent Velius, an importunate blockhead. In mentioning the princes, I passed over all the dregs of the order of Pfaci, excepting John Pfaf, elector of Mentz. The bishops
assembled in great numbers, — the bishops of Ratisbon, Augsburg, Spires, Bremen, Saltzburg, Brescia, Worms, Bamberg, Hildesheim, and some others. — It would be in vain to conjecture what will be the result of this Diet.”
“The confederates are desirous of having an audience; and if they can hope for no confidence or lasting peace, until there is an agreement in religious matters, and the Churches established in order, they will urge the imperial Chamber to consider this subject with care and attention. They are anxious that all dissensions should be ended without tumult, and detesting war as the certain ruin of this country, they show themselves the decided enemies of all violent measures.
“Our opponents are divided into three parties. The first are for proclaiming war, and openly raved because it was not commenced the first day. Of this class, the leaders are the elector of Mentz, the Bavarian dukes, Henry of Brunswick, and his brother the bishop of Bremen. The second class wish to consult the good of their
country, whose ruin or devastation they foresee will be the calamitous effect of war, and they of course exert all their powers to effect a peace of any kind without a settlement of religion. The third would willingly admit a tolerable correction of ecclesiastical doctrine and discipline, but being either deficient in the knowledge of the truth, or in fortitude to avow themselves abettors of these opinions, they go forward apparently seeking only the public tranquillity. Among this class are the bishop of Cologne and the bishop of Augsburg among the Ecclesiastics; both of the brothers of the Palatine, Otho, their grandson, and perhaps the duke of Cleves, among the princes. Those are the small number who are endeavoring to excite tumults, and being opposed by all the good, they cannot effect their wishes. The mind of the Emperor is entirely inclined to peace, and to obtain it he will contend with all
his strength, putting off his care for the cause of religion to some future time. The confederates will not easily yield to this, but persist in demanding the reformation of the Church. We hope to effect something.
“The Pope’s legate, with his usual solemnity, entreats us not to determine on violent measures; but violent measures, in his view, are any discussions about religion, or any consultation concerning the reformation of the Church, held without the authority of his master. They openly profess to encourage the Diet which we ask, and still secretly oppose its appointment by great promises and high threats. Contarinus professes to wish that we might be subdued without bloodshed; but if this cannot be done, and the Emperor will have recourse to arms, they are prepared to furnish him with large sums of money. While, at the same time, if he yields to any measure disagreeable to the Romish tyrant, they threaten him with those thunders with which they are accustomed to shake the whole earth. The state of things in Italy makes the Emperor anxious for his power. If he can, he will therefore take refuge there, in order, without meddling with religion, to place Germany in a more composed state, by a temporary peace, or a truce for a few years. In this he will be opposed. Thus you see that affairs are in such obscurity, that there is no place for probable conjecture. In these perplexities, let us invoke the name of the Lord, and beseech him to govern, by his wisdom, this great and weighty cause, so deeply interesting to his glory and the safety of his Church; and to manifest, in this crisis, that nothing is more precious in his sight, than that celestial wisdom which he has revealed to us in the Gospel, and those souls which he has redeemed by the sacred blood of his Son. In proportion as all things are uncertain, we must stir up our minds with the more assiduous zeal in our
supplications. Casting our views over the whole progress of our affairs, we find that the Lord has governed events in a wonderful manner, without the aid or the counsels of men; and made them prosperous beyond all: our most sanguine hopes. In these
difficulties, let us rest entirely on that wisdom and power which he has so often displayed in our protection.”
In another letter to Farel, he thus writes:
“Our advocates passed from the subject of original sin, without difficulty. The disputation on free will followed, and was amicably settled, according to the opinion of Augustine. This harmony was somewhat interrupted by the contention about the meritorious cause of justification. At length, a formula was presented; and, after passing through various corrections on both sides, it was admitted. It will doubtless surprise you, that our adversaries made concessions so extensively favorable to our cause. I enclose a copy of the formula. The confederates have retained the principal
doctrines of divine truth, and nothing was admitted into this formula contradictory to the Scriptures. You will, without
question, desire a more full explanation, and in this respect we shall be perfectly agreed. But a moment’s reflection, upon the characters of the persons with whom we have to transact this business, will convince you, that we have effected much beyond our
expectations. In the definition of the Church, the advocates were agreed; f42 but an extensive and unyielding controversy arose about the government; and the article, by mutual consent, was omitted.
On the sacraments, they had some warm contention; but when ours admitted, that the ceremonies were a medium, they proceeded to the Supper. This was an insurmountable rock. Changing the bread and wine into the real body and blood of Christ, replacing the host, carrying it about, and other superstitious practices, were rejected. This was considered, by the Romish advocates, as an insufferable step. Bucer, my colleague, being wholly bent on unity, was incensed that these controverted questions were moved so prematurely. Melancthon was inclined to the opinion, that all hope of pacification should be cut off, about things so entirely corrupt.
Our advocates, having assembled us for consultation, demanded our individual opinions. We were unanimous, in our judgment, that transubstantiation was a mere fiction; that laying up the host was superstitious; and that the worship paid to it was idolatry, or at least very pernicious, as it was not warranted by the word of God.
I was requested to give my opinion in Latin, and although I understood not the opinions of the others, I freely, and without
fear of giving offense, condemned the doctrine of the local presence, and declared that the worshipping of the host was intolerable. Believe me, in such cases, determined and resolute minds have a very great influence in establishing the opinions of others. Cease not to pray to God to support us with the spirit of fortitude. Melancthon drew up a writing, which being presented to Granville, was rejected with abusive language, which our three advocates announced to us. If, at the very commencement of the discussion, we have to encounter such difficulties, what an accumulation of them still remains to interrupt our progress, through the examination of the private mass, the sacrifice and communication of the cup? What obstacles will lie across our way when we come to the open profession of the real presence? What tumults will then be raised?”
In another letter to Farel, he thus writes:
“The messenger having delayed his departure a day longer than I expected, I write again, to mention some things which have taken place, and which may be interesting to you. Granville, although he had destroyed by his answer all hope of agreement, when he heard of the apoplexy of Eckius, whose importunity he perhaps
supposed had prevented the agreement, commanded that Pistorius should also be excluded, and that the other four should proceed in their consultations without witnesses. As far as I could
understand, our advocates might have easily accomplished the business, if we would have been contented to be half Christians.
Philip and Bucer framed an ambiguous and deceptive confession concerning transubstantiation, endeavoring, as far as possible, to satisfy their adversaries, without yielding any thing. I am not pleased with this method of proceeding. They however have a motive which guides them. They indulge the hope that the things will manifest themselves, whenever there shall be an opening for the true doctrines. They prefer to pass over present difficulties, regardless of the consequences of that flexible mode of expression.
But in my opinion, this will be very injurious to the cause. I am persuaded, however, that they have the best interests of religion at heart, and are extremely anxious to advance the kingdom of Christ.
Our advocates are decided and prompt to every thing; but in their intercourse with our opponents they are too temporizing. It grieves me, that Bucer is exciting against himself the displeasure of so many persons. Being conscious of his own integrity, he expects more security from it than circumstances will warrant. We should not be so satisfied with our purity of conscience as to throw off all regard to the opinions of our brethren.”