The
only collection of small antiquitiesfrom
the ruins along theSan Pedro examined by
the author are thoseowned by Mr.
E. O.Childs, at
Monmouth, who
has kindly allowed the author toexam-
ineand
publish an account of them.The
prehistoric inhabitants of this valley cremated^ their dead, avessel with calcinedhuman
bones' having beenfound by
the author near one of the houses at the ruin15 miles
above Monmouth, where
the majority of objectswere
obtained.The most
remarkable specimen in the collection (fig. 75, a, b) isthe figure
made
of black stone resembling lavaand
representing aquadruped
with curved horns like those of amountain
sheep.The most
unusual feature of the specimen is a circular depression in the back, notchedon
the rim, asshown
in the figure.-Several clay effigy figures (fig. 75, c^ f, h),
among which
are the two-figured,have
beenfound
in theSan Pedro
ruins.An arrow
polisherand
a circular stone disk recalls similar objectsfound
in the ruinson
the Gila.Perhaps
themost
exceptional piece of pottery consistedof a doubleneck
ofavase, d,ofwhich
thebowl
is missing.The
pottery is adark brown
ware,smooth on
the surfaceand
deco- rated.The
people of theSan Pedro had
flat shovelsmade
of slate,not unlike those
from Casa
Grande,and made
use of perforated stones, g,and
ornaments, e, recalling thosecommonly
excavated in the Salt River Valleyruins.The
culture of the people, asshown by
the small collections ofknown
objects, did not greatly differfrom
thatof therestofthe Gila, butenvironmental conditionsdidnotlead tothe erectionof CasasGrandes
like those near Phoenixand Tempe.
Conclusions
From
the pointswhere
the Gila Riverand
itstwo
tributaries, the Saltand
Santa Cruz,emerge from
the mountains, their broad val- leysbecome
level or rollingand
slightlyelevated,forming low
mesas.These
valleys are practically deserts,on which
the rainfall is not^
Two
methodsof disposal of the dead—
one, house burial; the other, crema- tion—
existedamong
the inhabitants of the Great Houses of the Gila-Salt region. This mightmean
thattwo distinctpeoplesoccupiedthis valleyor that the builders ofthe Casas Grandes were composite in stock. Possibly it might be interpretedas an indication thatone of the components was akin to tribes nearthe mouth of the Gila, wherecremation is still practised.'There is a similar stone idol in the
museum
of the University of Arizona, at Tucson.NO. 1873 PREHISTORIC
RUINS
IN GILAVALLF,Y— FEWKES 433
Pig.75.—Prehistoricobjects from San Pedro Valley
434 SMITHSOXIAX MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
VOL. 52 regularenough
for successful agriculture without irrigation.They
present a
good
field for the evolution of a sedentary, agricultural stage ofhuman
culture dependenton
artificial irrigation.The
ex- tent of the aboriginal ditches that can be traced for milesshow
that the prehistoric inhabitantshad
discoveredand
applied amore
exten- sive system of irrigation thanany
of their contemporarieswho
dwelt in other sections ofwhat
isnow
theUnited
States.Here was
developed a highly organized autochthonous stage of social lifewhich we have good
evidence to believewas
of great antiquity.^The
indications are that itwas from
this center that there radiated aform
of culturewhich
influenced thewhole
areanow embraced
in the territories ofNew
]\Iexicoand Arizona and
the southern parts ofUtah and
Colorado.In order successfully to bring
an
area of the size of the Gilaand
Salt River valleysunder
cultivation, the construction of large irriga- tion ditcheswas
necessary, but these great canals could not bedug by
individuals,and were
possible onlythrough
cooperation ofmany
workers.
There must have
beenan
intelligent leader to carry thiswork
to completion. This cooperation ofmany under
onehead meant
a high social organization.The
natural resultwould
be a sociological condition higher thanany
that existedamong bands
of hunters, fishermen, or even agriculturistsdepending on
natural rain- falls.A
peopleaccustomed
to building irrigation canals naturally be-came accustomed
to cooperationand combined
to construct other public works, as houses for defense, for ceremony, or for storage purposes.Hence
there occurwath these extensive irrigation ditches great houses,and wherever
the populationwas
the densest, there are great buildingsand
canals, themost numerous and
largest.-Such
CasasGrandes
as the Gilacompounds
are to be expectedamong
people in this high social condition resulting
from
cooperation.There seems no
valid objection tothe theory that these settlementswere
builtby
ancestors of the present house-building Indians of the Southwest. It can hardly be supposed that the builders of these CasasGrandes
disappearedfrom
their native land without descend- ants, even if they lost the habit of constructing massive housesand
^
A
somewhat similar culture arose independently in the valley of the Casas Grandes in Chihuahua, which in certain arts, as cerainics, reached a higher stage ofdevelopment, perhapsbeingunmolested for a longerperiod.°The existence of artificial reservoirs, or vashki. in the deserts, miles from any compound, implies an aboriginal population in their neighborhoodliving in huts, or jacales, the walls of which can no longer be traced.
NO. 1873 PREHISTORIC
RUINS
IN GILAVALLEY — FEWKES
435compounds. The
ancientmode
of lifeand
difference in their style of buildingfrom
that of Pueblosand Pimas
areadduced
to support the theory that the latter are not descendants of the inhabitants of the Casas Grandes. It is held thatwhen
the ancients left their houses they migrated into other lands,where we
shouldnow
look for their descendants. This supposed disappearance of the ancientswas
a favorite theory withsome
early writers, like Clavijero,who
identified the ancients of the Gila Valley as Aztecs
and
regarded these buildings asmarking
oneof the halting places of theMexicans
in their southern migrations.
Some
authorshave gone
so far as to regard the Gila Valley as a cradle ofAztec
culture.^Other
writershave
held that the descendants of the original peo- ples migrated into the northernmountains and
later built the cliffhouses
and
pueblos of northernArizona and New
Mexico. It isprobable that certain clans
were
drivenaway from
theirhomes and
forced into other regionsby
thechanged
conditions as inroads of hostiles. This theory is in fact supportedby
legends still toldby
theHopi and
otherpueblopeople. It islogical to suppose thatother clans of prehistoric buildersremained
inthe valleyand
continued to live in houses similar to those their ancestors inhabited, even after theyhad
lost thecustom
of building the massive walled structures that distinguish the ancient phase of their culture.The
survivors of thosewho remained
are themodern Pimas Kwahadts and Papa-
gos,whose
legends distinctly state that the ancients{hohokam)
built
Casa
Grande.The abandonment
of thecustom
of building CasasGrandes
datesback
toprehistoric times,and none
of the great buildings in the Gilawere
constructed subsequent to the arrival of the Spaniards.Casa Grande was
a ruinwhen Kino
discovered it,and
the great buildings along the SaltRiver
appeared tohave been abandoned
beforeCasa Grande was
deserted, for oldPima
legends state that the GreatHouses
of the Salt Riverwere
the oldest in the valley.The war between nomads and
the house-builders of the Gila,who overthrew
the Casas Grandes,had
practically ceased before the advent of the Spaniards, although in 1694theSobypuri
alongtheSan Pedro were
holding back the Apaches,^ a hostileencroachment from
the east.'
No
doubt some of the people did migrate southward, but the acceptance of this conclusion does notmean
that they later became Aztecs. There is little incommon
betweenobjects foundinthe valleyofMexico and thatofthe Gila.^Thereis nothingtoshowthatthese peopleoverthrew the inhabitants ofthe Casas Grandes, and it is
much
morelikely that the earliest foes of the people of the Great Houses came from the west, fromthe Gulf of California.3