Catalonia is one of the few European separatist movements that has real importance in the European political sphere. Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, this thesis explains that the reason why the Catalan nationalist movement is so strong and demands the attention it receives in the Spanish national and international communities is the long-. Her incredible support and advice has helped me produce a thesis that I am proud of and I am eternally grateful for all her help.
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Introduction and Literature Review
As the first decade of the 21st century drew to a close, the movement developed further as nationalists began demanding independence. Educational reforms, promotion of the Catalan language, success of Catalan filmmakers and authors, as well as their observance. The Convergence and Union Party is also the head of the Catalan separatist movement (“History of the Government of Catalonia”).
All these factors make Catalonia's economy one of the strongest in a weak Spanish system. Griffiths and Ivan Savic (2009) agree that the economy is one of the most important factors in a separatist movement. The presence of a dual identity as well as economic and political grievances caused the Catalan nationalist movement to develop into a separatist movement due to the combination of these foundations and the triggering events of the late 2000s.
Historical Foundations of Catalan Nationalism
Many of the Romance languages, including Catalan, originated in the Iberian Peninsula. Tarragona and Barcino set the stage for the further development of the distinct cultures of Catalonia and Spain. However, in the mid-8th century, after beginning the Reconquista of the Iberian Peninsula, Charlemagne conquered Barcinona (renaming it Barcelona) and the surrounding areas, stripping the Catalans of any autonomy they had and bringing the area under Frankish control (Chaytor, 1933).
From these dialects formed the ancestor of the Catalan language, which became an official language in the 10th century. The so-called Catholic monarchs brought about the end of the Reconquista and the beginning of the Spanish Inquisition. Their reign is characterized by the Inquisition and the beginning of the Spanish overseas empire (Edwards, 2000).
Catalonia became a principate of the Kingdom of Aragon, still under the monarchs' control, but not completely. Unfortunately for Catalonia, however, the constitution also called for the centralization of government, effectively removing any power that the Catalan government had held (Kern. This led to rebellions and uprisings across Catalonia and the eventual support of the Catalans to Don Carlos in future Carlist wars (Core.
Catalonia suffered like the rest of the country, regardless of their entry into the region. With the end of the monarchy in Spain, the Second Spanish Republic was officially proclaimed in 1931. The revised statute allowed for the creation and promotion of the Catalan Parliament and granted it the right to control certain aspects of the Catalan economy.
The military coup of 1936 brought the beginning of the end for the Second Spanish Republic. Franco had early success, capturing most of Spain's western border from the Republicans in the first year of the war. Under the motto "Freedom, Amnesty and Statute of Autonomy", the gathering sought to articulate the goals of the Catalan nationalist movement since the establishment of Franco's regime.
Strengthening Nationalism Post-Franco
This provision had the potential to lead to the decentralization of the Spanish state. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy was officially ratified by Catalan voters and accepted by the Spanish Parliament in 1979 (“History of the Generalitat”). In most other autonomous communities, the Guardia Civil, or Spanish National Police, is the only police force (“History of the Generalitat”).
Although they may share similar platforms to the Catalan branches of the People's Party or the Socialist Party, they only operate in Catalonia, for Catalonia. The current Catalan president and leader of the CiU, Artur Más, is the leader of the separatist movement and seeks to. At the end of the first decade of the new millennium, when economic recession hit the Spanish and Catalan economies, cooperation between the two fell to a new low and tensions increased.
Furthermore, the presence of the EU and NATO is important in strengthening the foundations of Catalan nationalism. Likewise, the EU's common market also offers the promise of economic security and the continuation of current trade without much disruption (Bieri. Likewise, Catalonia's own participation with other EU regions and states strengthens it.
As shown in the previous chapters, Catalonia was almost always one step ahead of the Spanish economy. Throughout the beginning of the 2000s, Catalonia maintained an unemployment rate hovering in the 4-6% range and a GDP per capita comparable to the top-earning European countries (IDESCAT, Eurostat). GDP per capita in Catalonia was $30,000, which means that, if Catalonia were an independent member of the EU, it would be 4th in the highest GDP per capita in the EU.
The deficit created was part of the motivation for the introduction of the revised Statute of Autonomy (which will be discussed later) and remains the main one.
Triggering the Shift to Separatism
In an interview with the Catalan News Agency in March 2011, Francesc Homs, spokesman for the Catalan Parliament, said: "The Spanish government cannot take decisions that mean more spending for the Catalan government and then criticize us for spending too much money without giving us paid compensation. for these additional expenses.". The document states: “Reflecting the feelings and wishes of the citizens of Catalonia, the Catalan Parliament, by a large majority, defined Catalonia as a nation (Preamble to the Statute of Autonomy). The document went through the Generalitat very easily and the Catalan voters ratified it with 73.9% in favor of the document, although only 49%.
Despite the strong statements in the document, the Spanish government supported the referendum. After four years, in July 2010 the Spanish Constitutional Court issued their ruling on the constitutionality of the revised Catalan Statute of Autonomy of 2006. The review of the revised Statute of Autonomy produced a controversy that would set the tone for Catalan/Spanish relations for the years ahead.
According to the ruling, "the interpretation of the references to 'Catalonia as a nation' and to the 'national reality of Catalonia' in the preamble of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia has no legal effect," ("Els detalles . de la sentència"). The event was originally scheduled three days after verdict, but Catalan citizens began gathering on the corner of two of Barcelona's busiest streets the following afternoon.Òmnium Cultura claims more than 1.5 million people took part in the march, although Barcelona police say just over 1.1 million, but the Spanish government claims that less than 1 million took part ("Un millón de personas...").
Then, when the Spanish government, through the constitutional courts, canceled their promise of more Catalan autonomy as a solution to Catalonia's economic problems, it was "the straw that broke the camel's back". Supporters of the bill claimed it was a way to promote tourism and respond to the growing trend of anti-bullfighting mentality in Spain and the rest of the world. Although the separatist movement may not have been directly caused by the actions of Catalan politicians, the CiU's support of the movement facilitated its growth.
Through their strong disapproval of the movement and their refusal to negotiate with separatist leaders, the PP has contributed to the anti-Spanish sentiment it works so hard to combat.
Conclusions and the Future of the Movement
Still, Más and his allies promise to achieve their goal of an independent Catalan state. Likewise, Catalonia would remain in the EU even if the separatists complete their 18-month plan for secession. If they do, then the EU will have to decide the next course of action in terms of admitting Catalonia to the organization.
Support for Más and CiU could rise again if Spain's economy continues to falter as more Catalans seek an alternative. If the PSOE defeats the PP, an independent Catalan state may have a chance of being recognized. Furthermore, if Catalan nationalist parties gain more seats in parliament during national elections, they could influence politics at the national level by encouraging a more amicable break with Spain, thus increasing the likelihood of EU recognition and acceptance.
Just as the recession and the court decision caused the shift toward separatism, a similar event occurring in the coming months could cause a shift in either direction. Thousands of years of building political, economic and cultural foundations have elevated Catalan nationalism to a global scale, forcing Catalonia's neighbors to recognize its demands for autonomy. Catalonia is able to set a precedent not only for other regions of Spain, but also for other regions of Europe.
Actions taken by Catalonia, Spain and the EU will determine the course of action for Flanders, the Basque Country and even Veneto in the future. The formation of an independent Catalonia will finally bring truth to the statement that so many Catalans have been saying for decades "Catalunya no es. Independence in Europe: Secession, Sovereignty and the European Union" Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law.
34; Globalization and separatism: the influence of internal and external interdependence on the strategies of separatism.
