Contemporary Geography of Leisure, Tourism and Mobility Series Editor: C. Professor at the Department of Tourism, University of Otago, New Zealand. Contemporary Geographies of Leisure, Tourism and Mobility aims to address the needs of students and academics, and the titles will be published in hardcover and paperback.
Contributors
Fainstein is a professor of urban planning at the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation, Columbia University, New York. He is also director of the Small Business and Enterprise Research Group at the same university.
Preface
I would also like to express my gratitude to the Standing Committee for Social Sciences of the European Science Foundation for awarding a grant for an Exploratory Workshop, and to the Social Sciences Internationalization Fund (ISW) of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), and the Department of Economic Affairs of the City of Amsterdam, for co-sponsoring the preparations for this book. This book is dedicated to Mieke van de Rhee who, despite her untimely death, remains a fellow traveler for the rest of our lives.
Acknowledgements
1 Tourism, migration and place advantage in the global cultural
Michael Hall and Jan Rath
Without such a connection, no commodification of ethnic space will be possible in the service of the place-marketing and value-exchange objectives of local growth coalitions. This approach also pays more attention to the demand side – consumers – an aspect that is often overlooked in the entrepreneurship literature.
Immigrant entrepreneurs
2 Making the new economy
Although difficult to calculate, the economic benefit of the international education industry is significant. 1998) 'Cultural Resources and Ethnic Entrepreneurship: A Case Study of the Portuguese Real Estate Industry in Toronto', The Canadian Geographer.
3 Urban boosterism, tourism and ethnic minority enterprise in
In the course of our exploration, we also necessarily raise questions about the authenticity of the consumer experience and about the nature of multiculturalism itself. This demand takes on an extra edge in an age characterized by the notion of the city 'as a theatre, a spectacle full of playgrounds' (Harvey 1987: 284). Apparently, true virtuality had already entered the Victorian high dinner of the British Empire, but since Derrida and co.
Indeed, this is one of the central issues in the whole ethnic minority entrepreneurship debate: the question of self-determination versus external determination, agency versus structure. The theme of the family as a decisive source of labor for ethnic minority businesses runs relentlessly through the discourse in this field. On the basis of the evidence presented here it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the costs of the former are largely borne by the latter.
1991) 'Profiles of the small firm in the service sector', paper gepresenteerd op ESRC Centre for Research on Small Service Sector Enterprises, Kingston Business School, Kingston University.
4 Ethnic precincts as
First, there are the contradictions inherent in the competing conceptions of authenticity required to make the ethnic urban tourist experience credible - the problem of credibility and authenticity of the ethnic area. Analysis of the (changing) spatial patterns of immigrant settlement in Sydney provides a clue to the physical location of the ethnic economy and the location of ethnic areas. In the previous section, the authenticity and credibility of the ethnic area was explored mainly from the point of view of the tourist (local, national or international).
Bryman (2004) has emphasized that control and surveillance (of both consumers and employees) are central to the Disneyization of society as a whole. The ethnic district is an important place at the intersection of immigration/ethnic diversity/tourism in the city. Is it possible to develop ethnic districts like Sydney's Chinatown without necessarily reproducing white stereotypes of the ethnic Other?
Third, there is the problem of control and the ways in which crime in ethnic districts threatens the safety of the ethnic tourist experience.
Immigrant workers
5 Caterers of the consumed metropolis
Beyog˘lu (formerly known as Pera), located in the historically most 'Westernized' part of Istanbul, is the entertainment center of the city. Located at the top of the sector, they are the crème de la crème of Istanbul's tourism and entertainment world. One of the most expensive clubs in Istanbul is called Laila (the English translation of an Arabic female first name; the Turkish version, Leyla, is the name commonly used in Turkey).
Many of them use their cultural or social capital to become and remain successful in the highest echelons of tourism and entertainment in Istanbul. The second horn of the bifurcation process involves real, imagined, or constructed ethnicization at the lower levels of Istanbul's tourism and entertainment work environment. 10 By the word "Bosphorus" I mean primarily the part of the Bosphorus coast between the two suspension bridges in Istanbul.
Saktanber (eds) Fragments of Culture: The Everyday of Modern Turkey, New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press. 1997) "The myth of the 'ideal home' travels across cultural boundaries in Istanbul", in A.
6 Immigrants, tourists and the metropolitan landscape
The processes by which immigrant and migrant labor affect the nature of the tourism landscape in the tourist economy are diverse and uneven. However, despite the uneven nature of the immigrant presence, the various immigrant and migrant communities have certain commonalities in the metropolitan tourist landscape. As cities rebuild themselves in the face of deindustrialization, a need is felt to construct the understanding of the city as a particular type of commodity.
Market or collective bargaining wages in the construction phase of tourism development would greatly increase capital costs and affect the sustainability of tourism ventures. Orlando's image in the tourist mind is equated with Disney, and within American culture the company's theme parks have become the destination of a 'middle-class pilgrim' (Ritzer 2000). They are 'safe' because their public presence conforms to a general sanitized image of the Other.
They are in a position to override some of the contingencies of their contracts with Disney.
Ethnic diversity in urban place promotion
7 Ethnic heritage tourism and global–local connections in
In 1999, the BTN was renamed the New Orleans Multicultural Tourism Network (NOMTN) and expanded its mission to promote the cultural diversity of the city. Recent years have seen major changes in the production of local ethnic and cultural festivals due to the expansion of the New Orleans tourism industry. All the cultures of New Orleans emphasize these elements, and we use them to promote the city and its people.
The 2000 census recorded 64,169 foreign-born residents in the New Orleans metropolitan area, only 4.8 percent of the total population. According to Lucy Chun, leader of the New Orleans Asian/Pacific American Society, “There's no culture for it. In the past 20 years, few Asians have settled in New Orleans.
These marketing campaigns also attempt to silence alternative interpretations of New Orleans' cultural landscape.
8 Tourism and New York’s ethnic diversity
Thus, we view the investment approaches and tourism services offered by New York's tourism regime as contributing greatly to the ongoing exclusion of low-income neighborhoods from the economic and cultural life of the city. Efforts to guide visitors to New York's ethnic neighborhoods run up against a stubborn and intense focus on Manhattan, which itself stems from the physical and perceptual geography of the city. Manhattan is home to about 1.5 million (19 percent) of the city's residents, closely followed by the Bronx with 1.3 million (17 percent).
NYC & Company is a public-private partnership with an independent board of directors that appoints its own executive director.4 Although it is the city's official tourism promotion body, it does not report to the city. As the city's official marketing arm, NYC & Company attempts to act as a "gateway" to promotional activities conducted by organizations in other parts of the city. NYC & Company sees the expansion of tourism in the outer boroughs as the responsibility of the borough presidents, each of whom has a staff member responsible for tourism development.
Moreover, many of the problems they face can only be solved at higher levels of the planning, transportation, and economic development apparatus of New York City government.
9 Selling Miami
As part of the city's 'critical infrastructure' (Zukin 1991), this organization plays a major role in the valorization of neighborhoods. In the words of Joaquin Blaya, general manager of one of the city's Spanish-language television stations. Cubans of increasing socioeconomic status moved into subdivisions built by Cuban developers in the western part of the county.
The Bureau provided accommodation for visiting photographers, organized tours of the city's sights and expedited the issuance of permits for their filming. Promoting the city's "tropical cool," however, did not highlight its working-class immigrant neighborhoods. In an effort to get "on the tourist map," the Little Havana Merchants Association placed a special advertising section in the 2004 edition of the GMCVB Travel Planner.
Metro–Dade County Department of Planning (1995) Analysis of Income Cycles in the Black Community, Miami: Dade County Department of Planning.
10 Building a market of ethnic references
Margarida Marques and Francisco Lima da Costa
Despite this, however, the accompanying notion of inclusive nationhood gave rise to contrasting responses to the arrival of the Portuguese 'returnees' from colonial Africa in the 1970s, to the later arrival of 'immigrants', and during the campaign for 'Europeanness'. which accompanied Portugal's accession to the European Union in the mid-1980s. Although the real significance of the migrant-descent youth remains to be established, one thing is certain: despite their virtual absence from the formal political sphere, they have become a critical factor in the politics of recognition (Taylor 1994). . In line with the growing pursuit of multicultural expression by migrant communities and the wider adherence to the global 'ideology of ethnic diversity' (Fischer 1999), the latter activists have played a significant role in expanding the current 'ethno-entrepreneurial' supply, which it makes a lot. more visible in the public sphere.
As closure appears to be a condition for 'authenticity' (van den Berghe 1994; Hargreaves 2004), while authenticity appears to be an essential element in the outward marketing of ethnic diversity, we will be particularly keen to detect any feedback effects between closing and marketing. At the same time, however, 'us' and 'them' as essentialized constructions can also be politically powerful concepts in the construction of ethnicity (Vermeulen 1999). The political dimension is evident in the way activist ethno-entrepreneurs contribute to this ongoing construction of a market of 'exotics at home' (Di Leonardo 1998).
In Lisbon, significant state-led investments have been made over the past two decades to restore significant edges of urban space.
