The organization they created symbolically reflected the structure of the longhouse and the kinship system. In the decorative arts, designs and techniques were similar to those of the surrounding Algonquian tribes and were most likely derived.
MASKS IN IROQUOIS CULTURE
ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY
If, for example, it could be shown that the masks and rituals of the northern Iroquois have more characteristics in common. It was about this time that the policy of the False Faces regarding membership underwent a change.
STYLE
Except in the case of the divided mask, where red and black symbolize east and west, color seems to be irrelevant and not correlated with any other feature. Keppler's theory of development has some basis in the origin legend and current widespread distribution of crooked face masks, although there is little evidence to support his claim that the variety of masks seen today all evolved from a single basic type.
MASK CARVING AT ONONDAGA RESERVATION THE COMMUNITY
N^.^7'4f^^' IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA — ^HENDRY 373 This description agrees substantially with Morgan's of 1851, with accounts given by Beauchamp, Converse, and Parker in the early 1900s, and would it can be used for many masks that are carved today. Despite the fact that the Native Americans adopted the material culture and survival patterns of the whites, traditional Iroquois customs persist in some aspects of their lives. In so far as the reserve is allowed autonomous government, it is controlled by a council of 26 chiefs, chosen according to the ancient regulations of the League; women name their sons if they are worthy.
Other obvious features are: the mother tongue, which is spoken by a segment of the population; the clan and section systems, which operate at the chiefs' headquarters in the Council Chamber; and his religion, most evident when one part gives a ceremony to another. The religion of the Long House, or Council House, involves the recitation of moral precepts from the Code, the confession of sins, and the celebration of traditional festivals. The rivalry and suspicion existing between the Christian church and the Council House does not prevent the frequent change from one congregation to another on the part of many of the members.
The non-Onondaga make up a large proportion of the population, including members of other Iroquois tribes living on the reservation, as well as their descendants.
THE CARVERS
Most seem to be active participants in the False Face rituals and members of the medicine association. Two are chiefs and three are sons of the current head of the council and themselves. Floyd Doctor is a Seneca, and is not, so far as I know, a member of the Council House.
The other two men are carvers, although they are professed Christians and belong to a more acculturated part of the population. Mask making doesn't necessarily have to do with cutting lacrosse sticks, snow snakes, etc., as only the three men who carve the masks also make these items. The wives of some carvers are engaged in pearling, but women whose husbands are not carvers are also suitable for this work.
It is somewhat more closely related to the corn masks that some of the carvers' mothers and aunts have made in the past.
ECONOMICS OF MASK CARVING
The Christians and others who do not respect the orders of the Council House regard the false faces as Indian curiosities that may have a monetary value. Most of the masks Pierce currently has were acquired from sculptors who pawned them. Because Pierce conducts business publicly from a small craft shop, he has incurred the enmity of the Council House for defying the chiefs' ruling.
Most younger carvers produce several of this size which they look at whenever they can. It has been noted that none of the trades is a significant source of income for the Onondaga. The lack of obvious commercialization is not, I think, mainly due to the traditionally sacred character of the carvings, since the religious prohibitions against the sale of the kiss and restraint.
The geographical location of the reservation affects not only the expectations of the whites, but also the attitude of the Indians.
RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF MASKMAKING
The zeal of the Indians in applying the prescribed forms extends even to those masks which are no longer in their possession. AllisonThomas told me that he and some of the other carvers intend to visit the Albany museum to "pay our respects to old comrades. However, despite the declarations of faith and careful observance of traditional customs, there is some evidence that old be-.
The fear of carvings, to see or touch them, seems to be limited to some of the younger women. Along with the probability that belief in the spiritual powers of falsfacesis is no longer complete and unquestioned, there are clear indications that some of the practices and beliefs professed have recently been acquired, or at least reinforced, from outside. However, it is undoubtedly an important influence in shaping young people's attitudes and actions.
The material presented does not permit a definite statement as to the attitude of the modern Onondagas towards the masks.
LEARNING AND MOTIVATION
The willingness of the young to explain the purpose of the masks and to describe the rituals in which they are used contrasts sharply with the behavior of the older ones – who, for the most part, refused outright – and seem to indicate a desire to first to prove themselves "real Indians". " A concrete example of their efforts to make what they consider to be the right answers happened when I asked if masks in the community. However, the fact that most elderly people would not discuss their masks and rituals outside suggests that they may have retained their belief in the healing powers of carving, while the beliefs of young people. If you use other people carving, you'll want to start too." Only one of the engravers said he got his interest from a relative, in this case an uncle.
The technical processes of woodcarving are fairly simple compared to pottery or metalworking and are such that they can be acquired through observation and imitation, as one man described. Two of the carvers, Lee and Kenneth Thomas, received their art education off the reservation, having studied drawing while attending high school in Sjo-acuse. However, there is another factor in the Onondaga's attitude that is revealed by their claims that carving is instinctive, natural.
Among the older men, the belief in the spiritual powers of the carvings may still be the primary incentive.
TECHNICAL AND ESTHETIC PROCESSES
Although the vices are owned by some of the carvers, they are never used for masks. Always working with the grain of the wood, he carves either towards or away from his body^--whichever is easier in relation to the way he. Some men sandpaper before painting because they like a shiny surface; others prefer the rough texture of knife marks.
One man pointed out that he always tries to keep the features at the same stage of development because if one part is ahead of the rest, it results in a poor carving. When rounding the forehead, Thomas left a crest-shaped protrusion in the center, which connected the eyebrows and became the top of the nose. He used sandpaper wrapped around a small screwdriver to smooth the inside of the mouth and eyes, which he again referenced.
One man pointed out that since the dancer's vision is severely limited by masks ("difficult to see while dancing, except slightly from the front"), there is a lot of bumping and pushing during the rituals.
STANDARDS OF TASTE
Yet this is also an elaboration, not a change, of the features and is entirely consistent with the traditional treatment of the carving which aimed to achieve a dramatic and. The fact that in some of the masks the formal elements are developed further than the requirements of traditionalism and individual-. One of the carvers, comparing the ancient masks with the modern ones, said that in his opinion, "We do finer work now than they did in the past."
In discussing the statements of these individuals, I focused on the differences between the sculptors and “the rest of the community” as represented by the other ten informants. Although my informants' choices appear to indicate a uniformity in the group's taste norms, the explanations accompanying these choices were remarkably diverse. To the extent that there is a difference between the standards of the sculptors and the rest of the community, it is gradual, not friendly.
The sculptors are not considered artists either by themselves or by the rest of the community, but rather as artists.
CONCLUDING REMAKKS
Under these conditions, it is not surprising that the style of the fake faces has remained stable. Religious beliefs, especially among the elderly, cannot be entirely ruled out, and it is very likely that for some of the Onondagas the carving offers a socially accepted means of satisfying creative impulses. Eighty per cent of the Indians are Catholics, and men}^ of the native religious patterns, including the use and production of forgeries, have died out.^*.
Fenton has reported the development of new types of masks in Cattaraugus and Tonawanda, which may be a response to the demands of the tourist market. Here too, no definitive answer is possible, because the fieldwork at Onondaga was too short to allow an analysis of the total community. In contrast to the more acculturated part of the population, they also have a lower and less secure economic status.
In this broader perspective, mask carving appears to be only one of the ways in which the Onondaga seek to escape their position as an underprivileged minority by attempting to return to an idealized past.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
