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The Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance

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The most important earlier work on the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance is Lowie's "The Sun Dance of the Wind River Shoshone and Ute" (Lowie, 1919). In the mid-nineteenth century, the Sun Dance was the largest, most spectacular, and most sacred tribal ceremony in an entire region that stretched from the Black Foot of Albertato the Comanche.

408 ETHNOLOGY

ORIGINS OF THE WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE

Additionally, he claims that Bazil led the first Sun Dance organized by the Shoshone Indians of the Bridger Basin, where Washakie was chief. A more balanced list of properties is presented below with more complete information included.^° The statistical results differ significantly from those of Clements and Driverand Kroeber; this indicates the extreme unreliability of statistical analysis of lists of small elements (ie, where the number of elements listed is less than 500),^' and the urgent need to examine the composition of each correlation. i.e. whether based on a large number of mutual presences or . mutual absences, etc.) and thus the conclusions that can be drawn from it. At best, the statistical representation and quantitative analysis of lists of small elements are simply numerical expressions of the author's historical and ethnographic judgment. This is frankly and exclusively the purpose of the statistical analysis in this case. A Comparison of the Wind River Shoshone and Other Sun Dances>. 416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. Comparison of Wind River Dances'—Continued. twigs from the central tree; the procession and blessing at the beginning of one's own Sun Dance; sunrise ceremony; and the concept of drawing water from a central pole - this probably represents a loan from the Arapaho to the Shoshone. The traditional, historical and comparative data discussed above can now be summarized into a reconstructed wind history. 1) During the eighteenth century, Shoshone contact with the Algonquian plains tribes probably allowed them to become the first to know. Sun dance and prepared the ground for spreading. 2) Around 1790, a prominent young Comanche, Yellow Hands, became thoroughly familiar with the Kiowa Sun Dance and acquired some knowledge of Christian concepts from the Spanish. 3) Sometime later, probably by 1800, the YellowHand moved north to the Eastern Shoshone (who became the Wind River Shoshone in the nineteenth century under Washakie). a new ceremony — or perhaps already a new and dominant version of the fan. a familiar ceremony — to the Eastern Shoshone. Yellow Hand was the usual leader of the SunDance. After his death, the leadership of the Sun Dance largely focused on his family line, with his son Pa:si and his grandson Andrew. Bresil, who is the usual leader of the Sun Dance. 5) In the nineteenth century, until the end of Shoshone nomadism in 1880-85, there were other influences besides the original Kiowa. changed the Wind River Sun Dance through the Comanche impulse. The most important of these came from the Arapaho and Crowor Black. The Shoshone, on the other hand, were the main source of the Bannock and Ute Sun Dances and may have influenced the Plains Cree in the far north of the Plains. 6) In the nineteenth century the Shoshone developed anum-.

THE EARLY SHOSHONE SUN DANCE I RECONSTRUCTION

At an unspecified time before the Sun Dance, the leader commissioned a special carver known for his skills (such as Paixwaci) to prepare a Sun Dance puppet. The carver prayed the Our Father {dame'ap:e) and then prepared an image, a wooden head painted red, with feathers on its back. This was directed to the Our Father, and required long life, safety in battle, avoidance of disease.^® The.

426 ETHNOLOGY

Polly Shoyo says of this ritual that the best parts were eaten by the adults, while the magpies rushed to the less desirable tips of the tongue, which were set aside. Finally, QQ claimed that no one had the ceremonial charge of the magpies; they were just trying to steal food and eat it.

SOCIAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS

The Sun Dance had only a loose formal connection to the social structure of the Wind River Shoshone. So while Andrew Bresil was apparently a person of little significance apart from his position in the Sun Dance, his father Pa:si was an extremely important shaman and one of Washakie's sub-chiefs, although he was not a leader in any of the military societies. How important were the values ​​revealed in the Sun Dance in the totality of Wind River Shoshone culture.

The overwhelming importance of individual prestige was emphasized in the discussion of dominant Shoshone attitudes. Most served as a prelude to sexual intercourse, quite openly in the case of the na'zomoyog.^^.

THE MODERN SUN DANCE

In the crisis of 1890, tribes with well-integrated Sun Dances such as the Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Dakota seized upon an alien ritual, the Ghost Dance of the much-despised Paiute, as the agency to crystallize their concerns. On the other hand, Ute, who had other functionally well-adapted ceremonies (Hjortehovedanse and Runddans), despised these to take up the Soldansen at this very time (Opler, 1941, pp. 570-571). Thus, it seems likely that the very weakness and incoherence of the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance were important influences in its survival and further adaptation after 1890.

THE LATER HISTORY OF THE SHOSHONE SUN DANCE

But the public's lack of confidence in the effectiveness of its operation was so great that an informal gala meeting of the gambling commission launched the remedy. Thus it is probable that the old style of place dancing and accompanying ritual sweeping of the floor had disappeared by 1880, as it is unknown to m}^ younger informants and both Sts. In 1884 the Shoshone killed a substantial number of buffalo for the last time.^^ Consequently, this dates the disappearance of ritual buffalo hunts, tongue feasts, and the magpie ceremony.

According to my informants, the Sun Dance doll disappeared shortly after 1900 (GR, MT); this is confirmed by the presence of the doll. They reworked the Sundance into a stable reintegration into the new life of the reserve.

THE MODERN SUN DANCE — GENERALIZED VERSION

They line up this hole 150 to 250 yards, eastward, toward the sun, from the tent of the leader of the Sun Dance, but regardless of the position of his assistant, if any. The prayer songs that are sung as the center pole is raised into place ask the Spirit for help so that the dance may succeed, that the participants may have long lives - just as the center pole had.*^ The raising of this pole must be done manually, and without the use of iron (TC). Tom Compton also believes in the "sun spirit dance". Others like TW give credit to God while QQ does.

A few sick people may stand at the edge of the sacred dance ground, facing west, while the leader of the Sun Dance removes their sickness with an eagle's feather. So, in 1929, 5th (Charley Nagoramie, Ibelieve) came in front of the center pole on the third day.

THE MODERN SUN DANCE — 1937 VERSION

THE SUN DANCE F/ELD YA/IDS

COMPTOU'S T£A/T

SUN DANCE EJELO^

LEGEND

SPECTATORS C LOG MAR/<fNG OFF

SACRED GROUND

What then happened I could not see, owing to the pressure of the crowd, but I caught a glimpse of Compton coming to the center post, and heard him pray. At first, most of the dancers just stood in their places and blew their whistles. Most of the dancers were sitting or lying down, wrapped tightly in their blankets against the cold.

Then a number of women and one girl lined themselves directly south of the center pole, all of them. On the 6th it began to rain, and as an unfortunate consequence the end of the dance came earlier than expected.

N0.'^41]^ WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE SHIMKIN 459 White opinion of him is not high: he is reputed to be an alcohoHc

N0.'^41]^ SHOSHONE RIVER WIND SUN DANCE SHIMKIN 459 His white opinion is not high: he is known as an alcoHc. Thus, the leader of the Sun Dance in 1937 had an extraordinary personality, a kind of slightly formalized personality, fluid character. In what ways have the Shoshone Wind River culture changed since the nomadic days of the 19th century?

It is notable that many individual elements of ancient Shoshone culture, such as vision mission, medicine bundle, personal taboo, and individual healing shamanism have disappeared or been greatly weakened since the turn of the century, while elements involving group participation have survived more successfully. fully. Geographically, the distribution of the dancers is uniform, with only the marginal Burris and Ethete districts showing markedly low numbers of dancers (Figs. 22 and 24).

D/ STRICT

INST/ TUT/ON

In this regard, leaders may be closer to the norms of non-participants than other dancers. Apparently, the Sun Dance Committee is the instrument through which the effective social leadership of the Wind River Shoshone maintains its control over the Sun Dance. Still others, like Marshall Washakie, president of the Peyotists, have actual claims to prominence.

In addition, it is closely related to their social leadership. community through the Sun Dance Committee. Today's Christianized, deeply modified Sun Dance is a vital cultural force, an active part of the social and emotional life of the people.

CONCLUSIONS

An assessment of the social and psychological functions of. The modern Sun Dance shows that its integration with the social structure and the value system expressed by it has greatly increased. Furthermore, dreams, individual quests, and transferences were more common means of gaining supernatural power than the sun dance. In contrast to the loose integration of the early ceremony, The modern Sun Dance is the decisive binding element of today.

Elements of disintegration do exist within the ceremony: rivalry between religious leaders, jealousy of the Sun Dance Committee, and the threat of commercialization. Yet it seems slight, and that. seems almost certain that the Sundance will retain its vitality.

MANUSCRIPT NOTES ON THE WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE (1902)

All elements of the community, even those who are mutually hostile, participate in it. the men over 16 danced in a span of just 2 years; the others, the non-dancers, apparently refrain from individual reasons based on psychological differences, rather than organized withdrawal. The singers then go home for about an hour to get breakfast, and while they are gone the dancers change paint.

PRINCIPAL INFORMANTS

ROHRSCHACH TEST DATA ON SUN DANCERS AND NONPARTICIPANTS In 1938, a series of 185 Rohrschach tests was taken by me among

RORSCHACH TEST DATA ON SUN DANCERS AND NON-PARTICIPANTS In 1938 I conducted a series of 185 Rohrschach tests between.

480 AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The ends of the rafters were placed in the forks of the side columns; in the foreground are east-facing rafters. Also visible here are the details of the central pole: a set of willow bundles, a pile of stones, a digging stick and two black ribbons. To the right of them are the branches of Shema in the hands of women.

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