Vol. 21, No. 2, 2017, p. 370-390
Journal of Islamic Studies Published by State Islamic University Mataram p-ISSN 1411-3457, e-ISSN 2355-7648, available online at http://ulumuna.or.id
370
THE CONCEPT OF WOMEN’S DRESS IN TAFSIR NUSANTARA:
A Comparative Study of Four Indonesian Exegeses Tri Hermawana, Putri Rafa Salihahb, Muhammad Hafizhc
aUIN Antasari Banjarmasin, email: [email protected]
bIAIN Palangka Raya, email: [email protected];
cUIN Raden Fatah Palembang, email: [email protected]
Abstract: This research aims to compare four Qur’anic commentaries on the verses regarding women’s dress code. They are taken from the Indonesian Quranic commentaries representing different time i.e the classical era, medieval era and contemporary era. They are Tarjumān al-Mustafīd, Tafsīr Qur’ān Karīm, Tafsīr Al- Azhar, and Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ. The purpose of this research is to explain how the verse regarding women’s dressing are interpreted in these four works and how such interpretation influence the concept of women’s dressing. This library research relies its data mainly on Indonesian Quranic commentaries and on other related literatures as the secondary supporting data. This uses language aproachment to find the meaning of the main words on each verses.
They are then understood comparatively to reveal different interpretation and the factors that cause such differences. This study shows that there are three concept of woman’s dressing based on each interpretation, (1) the clothes that cover whole body including the face and the palm of hand, (2) the clothes that cover whole body except the face and palm of hand, (3) the respectfull clothes that do not cover the part of the head.
Keywords: Comparison, Indonesian Qur’anic Commentaries, Woman’s clothes, Interpretation, Influence.
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v21i2.278
Introduction
ONE OF THE CONTROVERSIAL issues in Islam is concerned with the dress code for women. In Islam, the function of clothe is to cover the body which is part of awrah (part of the body that must be
concealed). However, if we look at the Qur’anic verses deeply, the function of the clothes are not only to cover the aura, but also as a symbol of beauty, protection from extreme weather, and an identifier showing the social status of the wearer that distinguish from other groups or classes.1 Of the most debated topic in this respect is the concept of women’s clothing.2 The debate revolves around the limit and the border of the part from the body that must be covered. Let us start discussing this issue from the historical perspective, referring to the symbol and discourse of women’s dress in Indonesia.
The scientists argued that the clothes are known by the human approximately 72.000 years ago. According to them , homo sapiens came from a steamy Africa, some of whom migrated to cooler area. Here they started to use animal skin as clothe for the sake of keeping warmth of the body. About 47.000 years afterward, humans found a way to sew the cloth, and from here the development of clothing began.3 Historical evidence show that before 17th century, women in the regions of what is now known to be Indonesia had not yet dressed in clothes that covered their bodies wholly, but only used cloth to cover their lower bodies.
This is an illustration that found in Borobudur temple.4 The temple is believed to depict an illustration from human life in the past.5
1 M. Quraish Shihab, Secercah Cahaya Ilahi (Bandung: Mizan, 2007), 214.
2 On the de bate of this topic in diffe re nt conte xt, se e for e xample Hollie Koop, ‚Dre ss and Dive rsity: Muslim Wome n and Islamic Dre ss in an Immigrant/Minority Conte xt,‛ The Muslim World 92, no. 1–2 (2002): 59–78;
He athe r Marie Akou, ‚Inte rpreting Islam through the Inte rne t: Making Se nse of Hijab,‛ Contemporary Islam 4, no. 3 (2010): 331–346; On ge ne ral ove rvie w of hijab in Islam, see Kathe rine Bullock, Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil: Challenging Historical and Modern Stereotype (London: IIIT, 2010); Fadwa El-Guindi, Veil:
Modesty, Privacy and Resistance (Oxford: Be rg, 2003).
3 M. Quraish Shihab, Jilbab: Pakaian Wanita Muslimah (Jakarta: Le nte ra Hati, 2014), 33.
4 A the ory which is acce pted wide ly states that Borobudur was built around the 8th ce ntury or the 9th ce ntury. The re is no historian or archae ologist who de ny or re fute this the ory. Why so? Be cause the re is strong e vide nce that supports the the ory. The stronge st e vide nce is the inscription carve d in hidde n re lie fs hidde n at the te mple fe e t. The re is no writte n docume nt conce rning Borobudur te mple built that survive d, and also the re is no re fe re nce who built it and what is the purpose of construction. Howe ve r, the inscription carve d above
In the 7th century, Muslim traders from Arabia, Persia, and India began to explore Nusantara archipelago mainly for trading.6 But gradually commerce and trading became a means of spreading Islam (da’wah) to the end of the 13th century, until the 14th century and 15th. From there onward, Islam started growing rapidly when many kingdoms embraced this religion. It was said that around the 15th century women in the archipelago used kebaya, a sort of dress that was influenced by Islamic culture.7 The 19th century showed a different pattern where the wearing of jilbab or veil was introduced, as this was seen in the Paderi Movement in Minangkabau. This revolutionary movement also struggled to promote wearing jilbab in the public sphere.8
The Qur’an has mentioned about women’s dress code in various verses. These include QS: al-Ahzāb [35]: 59 and QS: an- Nūr [24]: 31. However, there is no single, unified perception about the commandment of wearing the veil in the Qur’an. One sort of the interpretation is advanced by Muhammad Shahrur. He argues that the Qur’anic verses on hijab are not fixed but interpretable. He says that women’s dressing is adapted to the situation and local conditions. As a result, women may not dress like their fellows in Arabian Peninsula because there are differences between Arab countries with other countries. Furthermore, he maintains that there is a limit of dressing; minimum and maximum limit for the
the re lie f at the `hidde n fe e t’foot monument has graphic characte ristic similar to writing that is commonly use d in kingdom e pigraphy be tween the e nd of the 8th ce ntury and e arly 9th ce ntury. The obvious conclusion is that Borobudur te mple most like ly founde d around the ye ar 800. Se no Panyade wa, Misteri Borobudur:
Candi Borobudur Bukan Peninggalan Nabi Sulaiman (Jakarta: Dolphin, 2014), 25.
5 Ima Kusumawati Hidayat, Priyanto Sunarto, and Triyadi Guntur,
‚Me nge nal Re lie f, Mudra dan Stupa Candi Borobudur untuk Anak-Anak Usia 9- 12 Tahun me lalui Edugame ,‛ Journal of Visual Art and Design 6, no. 1 (January 2014): 5.
6 Badri Yatim, Sejarah Peradaban Islam (Jakarta: Rajawali Pre ss, 2013), 191.
7 De nys Lombard, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya (Jakarta: Grame dia Pustaka Utama, 2005), 318.
8 Ali Tantowi, ‚The Que st of Indone sian Muslim Ide ntity: De bate s on Ve iling from the 1920s to 1940s,‛ Journal of Indonesian Islam 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2010):
69.
part of the body to cover.9 This approach differs significantly from those of the medieval exegesis. The Muslim scholars in the medieval periods suggest that Muslim women cover their whole body except for the face and palm. Even some others required a full coverage, except for the eyes. This explanation can be found in such Qurnaic exegesis as Tafsīr al-Miqbās by al-Fayrūzābādy, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Aẓīm by al-Imāmayn al-Jalālayn, Ṣafwah al-Tafāsir by
‘Alī al-Ṣābūnī, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Aẓīm by al-Imām Ibn Kathīr.10 Such different interpretation happens because of the different method of interpretation, the academic background, the school of thought and the context of time and place where Muslim scholars of Qur’anic exegesis (mufassir) live. This same phenomenon applies in Indonesia.
There are a number of Qur’anic exegeses by Muslim scholars from Nusantara archipelago. These include Tarjumān al-Mustafīd, Tafsīr Munīr li Ma’alim al-Tanzīl, Tafsīr Qur’ān Karīm, Tafsīr al-Nūr, Tafsīr, Tafsīr al-Bayān, Tafsīr al-Azhar, Al-Qur’an dan Tafsirnya, Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ and Tafsīr al-Lubāb. These works are quite different in terms of writing style, method of interpretation, and argument.
Some are written with a thematic approach, where the verses that address the same issue or topic are classified under one grand topic. Others follow the most common pattern, where interpretation is made on every single verse consecutively from the first chapter until the end. This study will look at this rich method and genre by focusing on the chapter on women’s dressing in the Qur’an. Four works are selected for this purpose:
This study compare the exegesis on women’s dress outlined in those four works. It attempts to reveal the method of the Qur’anic interpretation adopted by the Indonesian Qur’anic exegesis. Are
9 Muhammad Alim Khoiri, ‚Re kontruksi Konse p Aurat: Analisis Pe mikiran Syahrur,‛ Universum 9, no. 2 (2015): 115, acce sse d March 12, 2016, https://jurnal.stainke diri.ac.id/inde x.php/unive rsum/article /vie w/82.
10 Se e the inte rpre tations of al-Qur’ān Sūrah Al-Ahzāb *35+: 59 in Fairūzābādī, Tafsīr al-Miqbās (Be irut: Dār al-Fikr, 2001), 426; Jalāl al-Dīn ʻAbd al- Raḥmān ibn Abī Bakr Al-Suyūṭī and Jalāl al-Dīn al-Maḥallī, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-
‘Aẓīm, Beirut, Dār al-Fikr, 1999. (Be irut: Dār al-Fikr, 1999), 307; ’Alī al-Ṣābūny, Ṣafwah al-Tafāsir (Be irut: Dār al-Fikr, 2001), 493–494; Al-Imām Abū al-Fidāʾ Ismāʿīl ibn ʿUmar Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Aẓīm (Be irut: Dār al-Fikr, 2009), 1511.
the interpretations by Indonesian mufassir similar to those by Arabian commentators? How is the concept of the women’s clothes according to those four interpretation work? And how does this concept influence the interpretation on the woman’s dressing in Indonesia?
The Four Indonesian Commentaries
Based on our investigation, there are about 11 works of Quranic commentaries written extensively by Indonesian commentators. They are Tarjumān al-Mustafīd, Tafsīr Munīr li Ma’alim al-Tanzīl, Tafsīr Qur’ān Karim, Fayd al-Rahmān, Tafsīr al- Nūr, Tafsīr, Tafsīr al-Bayān, Tafsīr al-Azhar, Al-Qur’an dan Tafsirnya, Tafsir al-Miṣbāḥ and Tafsīr al-Lubāb. These works were written in a different period. We will focus on the interpretation work written only in Arabic, Indonesia language and Indonesian written in Arabic characters. Each of the four represents such different epoch where each was composed.
Tarjumān al-Mustafīd
Tarjumān al-Mustafīd is a Malay earliest work in the field of religion. This is even an earliest complete interpretation work in the Malay world.11 This book is written by ‘Abd Al-Ra’ūf Al- Singkilī. He was born in Singkel in 1035 H/1615 M. His original name was ' ‘Abd Al-Ra’ūf Al-Fansurī. He is a theologian from Aceh who first brought the Sattārīyā sufi order (tarekat) into Nusantara. Around 1064 H/1643 M, Al-Singkilī went to Middle East to study the Islamic science such as al-Qur’ān, Hadīts, Fiqh, Tafsīr dan Tasāwuf. Al-Singkilī also learned Sattārīyā from Ahmad Qusairī (1583-1650 M) and Ibrāhīm al-Qurānī. Then Al-Singkilī returned to Aceh in 1662 M to developed this sufi order.12
Tarjumān al-Mustafīd was written using Arabic Malay. It is a complete exegesis of the whole verses and chapters of the Qur’an.
This book is not purely composed by Al-Singkilī himself, but has
11 Zulkifli Mohd Yusoff and Wan Nasyrudin Wan Abdullah, ‚Tarjuman Al- Mustafid: Satu Analisis Te rhadap Karya Te rje mahan,‛ Jurnal Pengajian Melayu 16 (2005): 156.
12 Taufikurrahman, ‚Kajian Tafsir Di Indone sia,‛ Mutawatir 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 9.
additional explanation by his disciple named Dawūd Rūmī in the form of stories and Qirā'āt difference with those of ‘Abd Al-Ra’ūf Al-Singkilī as his teacher. Some argue that the book is a translation from, or combination with, Tafsīr al-Baydāwī. Peter Riddel and Salman Harun state that in general this book is a translation of Tafsīr al-Jalālayn, with additional reference to Tafsīr al-Baydāwī, Tafsīr al-Khāzin and a few other exegeses books.13
When Al-Singkilī explains a sura (chapter) of the Qur’an, he begins by explaining chronology of the verse. He explains the name of sura, amount of the sura’s verses, the place where the verse was revealed. He then explains the verse by using some references such us Tafsīr al-Bayd/āwī, Tafsīr al-Khāzin, Tafsīr al- Jalālayn, etc.14 When discussing a verse, al-Singkilī always begins by basmallah, followed by the explication of the meaning of the verse. In giving explanation of the verses, Al-Singkilī explains sequentially then discovering the meaning of the verse leterally.
His explanation does not use Hadith or Munāsabah al-āyah.15 Generally, al-Singkilī does not mention directly about the method of writing of his exegesis work. However, his Tarjumān al- Mustafīd reveal his other method of interpretation. In this work, he seemed to apply the method of taḥlīlī. The mufassir explained verse by verse using some aspects, such as qirā’at and al-asbāb al-nuzūl.
But his work can be called also as a exegesis work that use the method of ijmālī. The strength of this method lies on the fact that the interpretation is very concise and easy to be understood.
In his explaining Quranic verses, al-Singkilī does not focus on one pattern only such us fiqh, philosophy or adāb bi al-Ijtimā’i. His interpretation includes some patterns which are adjusted to the content of the verse. If a verse talks about fiqh, he will discover the verse by the laws of fiqh, and if a verse talks about theology, he will explain more enough about aqīdah until there is no misunderstanding of the verse. Likewise, if a verse is concerned with qis/ah, he will explain its historical background. In other
13 Ibid., 9–10.
14 A. H. Johns, ‚The Qur’ān in the Malay World: Re fle ctions on ‘Abd Al- Ra’ūf of Singke l (1615-1693),‛ Journal of Islamic Studies 9, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 125.
15 Suarni, ‚Karakte ristik Tafsir Tarjuman Al-Mustafid,‛ Substantia 17, no. 2 (2015): 16.
words, he explicates the verses of the Qur’an in accordance to the discipline or field of the verses. It because Al-Singkilī is expert in many fileds of sciences such us fiqh, philosophy, logic, theology, history, ‘ilm al-Falaq, and politics.16
Tafsīr al-Qur’ān Karim
This work was written by Mahmūd Yūnus who was born on Ramadhan 30th in 1316 M/10th Feb 1899 M in Sunggayang, Batusangkar, West Sumatra. MahmūdYūnus grew up among the devout religious family. His father’s name is Yūnus b. Incek, a teacher at a small prayer place (surau). His mother, Hafsah bint Imam Samiun, was the son of Engku Gadang M. Tahir bin Ali, a founder and a surau nanny in that region.17
In 1923 Mahmūd Yūnus went to Mecca to perform pilgrimage (ḥajj). He then went straight to Egypt to study Islam at al-Azhar University and the Dār al-' Ulūm Ulyā Cairo until 1930.
MahmūdYūnus started writing this work in November, 1922, and was completed in 1938.18 The work is in bahasa different for that of the previous work, which was written in Arabic Malay.19 Based on the mufassir history of this book, then note that the book is presented at the beginning of the 20th century in which Indonesia is currently in the Netherland colonial time.
Tafseer Qur’an Karim structure and composition is simple.
Yūnus begins his work with an introduction about the background of it. He also provides information about the revision of his work.
This section is not the same with another tafseer which are explaining about the history of al-Qur’an revelation, the history of codification, how to read the verse qirā’ah, and the virtue of the verse as usual.20
16 Ibid., 163.
17 He rry Mohammad, Tokoh-tokoh Islam yang Berpengaruh Abad 20 (Jakarta:
Ge ma Insani Pre ss, 2006), 85–86.
18 Iskandar, ‚Tafsir Qur’an Karim Karya Mahmud Yunus Kajian Atas Karya Tafsir Nusantara,‛ SUHUF Jurnal Pengkajian Al-Qur’an dan Budaya 3, no. 1 (2010):
2.
19 Taufikurrahman, ‚Kajian Tafsir,‛ 12–13.
20 Iskandar, ‚Tafsir Qur’an,‛ 6–7.
Mahmud Yunus’s Tafseer Qur’an Karim use relatively rare ijmālī of the previous commentators. In addition to an explanation of the meaning of paragraph briefly, this interpretation also presents a description of the occasion of the revealation (asbāb al- nuzūl) that characterize the formal interpretation of the Qur’an.
Yunus aslso used mixed materials or source of his interpretation and combined method of exegesis from the texts (bi al-ma'thūr) or from the reason (bi al-ra’y).21
The pattern or method of interpretation of this work is ‘ilmī. It is based on the way of mufassir interprets the Quranic verses on the basis of rationality and science. The last part of this work presents the index of the verses relating to sciences and technology. Nasrudin Baidan gives credit to this work because it promotes a different approach that distinguishes itself from other works of exegesis.22
Tafsīr al-Azhār
This work is authored by Hamka. His full name is Haji Abd al- Mālik bin ‘Abd al-Karīm (Amrullah) and was born on 13 Muharram 1362 H/ February 16, 1908 M, in a small village of Tanah Sirah, on the shores of lake Kinanjau. He began his education at home and went to further study Islam at an Islamic school (diniyah or madrasa) and surau (a small mosque). The strong commitment of his father, Syeikh ‘Abd al-Karīm Amrullah, gave a profound impact on his education. His father envisioned Hamka to be a scholar so that he gave full attention to his son nocturnal learning activities. As a child, he studied Islamic science and language, such as grammatical sciences (nahwu), morphology (ṣarf), Islamic law (fiqh) and Quranic interpretation (tafsīr) at Tawalib School. The first work of the Quranic exegesis that he learnt was Tafsir Jalālayn, where he immersed on studying tafsir.
At age of 17 years, he met Ki Bagus Hadikusuma, a figure who once lodged in Wonokomo Islamic Boarding School Yogyakarta.23
21 M. Anwar Syarifuddin and Jauhar Azizy, ‚Mahmud Yunus: Pe lopor Pola Baru Pe nulisan Tafsir Al-Qur’ān Indone sia,‛ Ilmu Ushuluddin 2, no. 1 (2015): 328.
22 Taufikurrahman, ‚Kajian Tafsir,‛ 14–15.
23 Ratnah Umar, ‚Tafsir al-Azhar Karya Hamka: Me tode dan Corak Pe nafsirannya,‛ Journal Al-Asas 3, no. 1 (April 2015): 20.
Hamka emerged as one important scholar of Islam. He tries to acquire other sciences or knowledge of Islam, all of which consumed most of his life, roughly from the beginning of the twentieth century until his death. He paved a new way in his career in Jakarta in 1949 as Free Newspaper Correspondent and Landscape Magazine. From here onward, he entered the world of politics, where he was elected as member of house through general election in 1955. Despite his political activism, he remained committed to Islam and continued to publish his work, such as Tafsīr al-Azhār.24 He wrote it in Indonesia, hoping that this would help ordinary Muslims to read and understand the Qur’an easily since many did not have a good command in Arabic.25
This work was originally composed from a series of studies submitted at the Islamic lecture at dawn by Hamka in the al-Azhar mosque located in Kebayoran Baru, beginning from 1959. The name of al-Azhar of the mosque was given by Syeikh Mahmūd Saltut, the Rector of al-Azhar University during his visit to Indonesia in December 1960 with a hope that it would become the real al-Azhar of Jakarta. Hamkas’ work was named as Tafsīr al- Azhār because it was closely related to the birthplace of the intepreter from al-Azhar.26
Hamka did not use a spesific method of interpretation but a combination of various method of the Qur’anic exegesis such as al- ma’thūr (report), al-ra’y (reason) and al-ishārī (metaphor). However, the method of al-ma’tsur was the strongest amongst the two others.
Furthermore, he used simple language and explanation in order to be understood easily. He also included his life experience in his
24 Ibid., 20–21.
25 Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar (Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 2005), in introduction.
26 Sharifah Norshah Ba ni bint Sye d Bidina e t al., ‚The Approach of Inte rpre tation Imple me nte d by Hamka in Tafsir Al-Azhar Base d on Scie ntific Exe ge sis,‛ International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences 7, no. 4 (April 2017): 194.
interpretation, and also included lot of historical stories of the Prophet, his companions and modern history, and many others.27
Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ
The author of Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ is Muhammad Quraish Shihab, born in Rampang, South Sulawesi in 1944. Quraish received his academic title of M.A for his specialization field of the exegesis of the Qur’an from al-Azhar University Cairo, Egypt in 1969. In 1982, he earned a doctorate in the field of the science of the Qur’an with Cum Laude, the first degree appreciation at the university.28
Prior to the completion of this work, Shihab had written a book of exegesis with a thematic approach that covers thirty chapters (juz’) namely Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ.29 This work is often claimed to be his most monumental work. This work consists of 15 volumes. It adopts taḥlīlī method of interpretation. The author interprets verse by verse in great detail. The first volume of this work was printed in 2000, and the last volume of this tafseer is printed on 2003. Shihab admits that he finished this work during 4 years started in Egypt on Friday 4th Rabīulawāl 1420 H/ 18th June 1999 then finished in Jakarta on Friday 5th September.30
There are some principal methods of interpretation that Shihab adopts. For example, he holds that the Qur’an is united revelation that cannot be understand separately from one verse into another. He always emphasizes munāsaba al-ayat (correspondence/relevance amongst the verses) in his interpretation. There six principles of this: munāsaba in one verse, munāsaba between the content and the closing of the verse, munāsaba of one verse to the next verse, munāsaba of the initial description of verse with its ending, munāsaba of the closing verse with the initial describtion of the next verse and munāsaba of the theme of chapter with its name.
27 Mazlan Ibrahim, Muhd Najib Abdul Kadir, and Latifah Abdul Majid, ‚The Conce pt of Le adership from the Pe rspective of Hamka,‛ Journal of Applied Sciences Research 8, no. 8 (2012): 4331.
28 Shihab, Secercah Cahaya.
29 Taufikurrahman, ‚Kajian Tafsir,‛ 22–23.
30 Muhammad Iqbal, ‚Me tode Pe nafsiran Al-Qur’an M. Quraish Shihab,‛
Tsaqafah 6, no. 2 (Nove mbe r 30, 2010): 258.
Tafsir al-Miṣbāḥ is certainly not purely the result of Shihab’s work, independent from the influence of other scholars. He openly admits that he cites opinions of both classical and contemporary Qur’an interpreters. One of the influential works in Tafsir al-Miṣbāḥ is Tafsīr Nazm al-Durar by Ibrāhīm ibn 'Umar al-Biqā'ī (885/1480), where Shihab mostly dealt with when completing his study at al- Azhar. Another influention source is Tafsīr al-Mīzān, authored by Muḥammad H|usayn Ṭabāṭabā’ī, a modern Shiite cleric. These are amongst the two most referred sources in Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ. Besides, al Biqa'i and Ṭabāṭabā’ī, Shihab has cited Muḥammad al-Ṭanṭāwī, Mutawalli al-Ṣa'rawī, Sayyid Quṭb and Muḥammad Ṭahir ibn al- Shiriya.31
Woman’s Clothes on the Four Exegeses
This section compares those four work, discussed earlier, on the concept of women’s dress in the Qur’an, focusing mainly on verses in two chapters: al-Aḥzāb and al-Nūr. The first is concerned with the commandment of wearing outer long garment (jilbab) while the latter deals with the injunction to adopt shawl to cover the head and chest (khumur).
The first verse is Sura al-Ahzāb [35]: 59
َٰ ََٰ
ذ ًََِّّۚهِبيِبََٰلَج ًِم ًَِّهۡيَلَع َنيِهۡدُي َنيِىِمۡؤُ ۡلۡٱ ِءٓا َسِوَو َكِثاَىَبَو َك ِج ََٰوۡشَِّلّ لُق ُّي ِبَّىلٱاَهُّيَأََٰٓي َكِل
ا ٗمي ِحَّز ا ٗزى ُف َغ ُهَّللٱ َناَكَو ًََۗۡيَذۡؤُي َلََف ًَۡفَسۡعُي نَأ َٰٓىَوۡدَأ ٩٥
O Prophe t! Te ll thy wive s and daughte rs, and the be lie ving wome n, that the y should cast the ir oute r garme nts ove r the ir pe rsons (whe n out of doors): that is most convenient, that the y should be known (as such) and not mole ste d. And Allah is The most forgive n, Most Me rciful.
In the Tarjumān al-Mustafīd, ‘Abd Al-Ra’ūf al-Singkilī explained that the Prophet Muhammad was ordered to instruct wives, daughters, and the Muslem women to extend their cloth to all over the body because that will make it easier to be recognized that they are independent women (not slaves) and would not be bothered because they cover their body.32
31 Ibid., 260.
32 Abd al-Ra’ūf al-Fansūrī al-Jāwī, Tarjumān al-Mustafīd (Be irut: Dār al-Fikr, 1990), 427.
Referring to al-Khāzin, Al-Singkilī added his explanation stating that people (men) who committed sin in Madina walked in every corner of the city to molest women who were uncovered.
There was a story relating to the verse that a woman went out at night for some sort of fulfilling her need. She was uncovered and passed a route where there were men who seduced her because he thought she was a female slave or prostitute since she did not wear a proper dress. The verse was a response to this incident.33
Commenting on the verse, Mahmūd Yūnus explained that this verse tells about women’s habit in pre-Islamic Arab time. They liked wearing clothes that were not honored and resembled an outfit of slave that expose their body. It was common that at the time, naughty men liked to play around the street and seduced women wearing dress that reveal part of their body. Independent women might also become the object of seduction if they did not dress properly but donning the ones that was similar of that of slave. Therefore, through this verse, Yunus continues to argue, Allah told the independent women to cover their chest, head with clothes to make themselves recognized and different from female slaves. Yunus concludes that this, covering independent women’s body, is the central message of the verse.34
In his work, Hamka offers a similar view with the two previous interpreters. He explains that Muslim society have a particular identity, reflecting in distinguished social conduct, including dress code to differ it from the pre-Islamic era. Islamic society is asked to be different from the other (Jāhiliyya), especially dressing tradition for women. It was because prior to the revelation of this verse, the dressing tradition of Muslim women and others at that time was similar; their status or social standing were not distinguishable each other from their dress.35
That is, according to Hamka, the reason why the verse is revealed. Allah asks to Prophet Muhammad to ordain his wives, daughters, and the wives of the believers to wear jilbāb when they
33 Ibid.
34 Mahmud Yunus, Tafsir Qurān Karim (Jakarta: Hidakarya Agung, 2004), 625.
35 Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, 93.
were out of the house. The jilbāb marks their identity as Muslim people. By wearing jilbāb, they are identified themselves as Muslims.36
Hamka explained that jilbāb is a special piece of dress. Quoting commentators such as al-Qurthubi, he said that jilbāb is a wider than a scarf. But he also referred to Ibnu Abbas and Ibnu Mas’ud, who said that jilbāb is riḍā’, a sort of big blanket. Al-Qurṭūbī explained again that jilbāb is a piece of cloth that covers the entire body. And then Ibn Kathīr explained that jilbāb is used to cover the body that is wider than a scraf.37
Based on those opinions, Hamka underscores that the meaning of jilbāb is cloase to a sarong to cover all over the body and the face is visible.38 Quraish Shihab in his Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ explains that the story behind this verse is tantamount with stories that have been described by those mufassirs. Shihab describes that in this verse the Prophet was ordered to instruct his wives, his daughters, and believing women to don a jilbāb over their whole body. The word ‘alayhinna (over them) impresses that entire their body covered by clothing. The exception, according to this view, is the face and palms or some other parts of the woman’s body.39
The context of the verse implies that at the time, women had already dressed to cover their body. However, the way they cover it did not include most of their body. Therefore, this verse ordains that they should cast their outer garments. It means they have been wearing jilbāb but not yet to pay it out.40
The second verse on the women’s dress is mentioned in the Sura al-Nūr [24]: 31.
ي ِدۡبُي َ
لََو ًَُّه َجوُس ُف ًَۡظ َف ۡحَي َو ًَّ ِهِس ََٰصۡبَأ ًۡ ِم ًَۡضُضۡغَي ِتََٰىِمۡؤُمۡلِّل لُقَو ا َم َّلَِإ ًَُّهَت َىيِش ًَ
ۡو َ أ ًَّ ِه ِت َ
لىُعُبِل َّلَِإ ًَُّهَتَىيِش ًَيِدۡبُي َلََو ًَِّۖهِبىُيُج َٰىَلَع ًَِّهِسُمُخِب ًَۡبِسۡضَيۡلَو ۖاَهۡنِم َسَهَظ
َٰۡخِإ ۡو َ أ ًَّ ِه ِت َ
لىُعُب ِء اَىۡب ٓ َ أ ۡو َ
أ ًَّ ِه ِئ اَىۡب ٓ َ أ ۡو َ
أ ًَّ ِه ِت َ
لىُعُب ِء اَبا َء ۡو ٓ َ أ ًَّ ِه ِئ اَبا َء ٓ ۡو َ
أ ًَّ ِه ِن ََٰىۡخِإ ٓي ِنَب ۡوَأ ًَِّهِنََٰى
ًَ ِم ِةَبۡزِ ۡلۡٱ يِل ْوُأ ِرۡيَغ َنيِعِبََّٰتلٱ ِوَأ ًَُّهُنََٰمۡيَأ ۡتَكَلَم اَم ۡوَأ ًَِّهِئٓا َسِو ۡوَأ ًَِّهِتََٰىَخَأ ٓي ِنَب ِلا َجِّسلٱ
36 Ibid., 94–96.
37 Ibid., 96.
38 Ibid., 97.
39 M. Quraish Shihab, ‚Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ‛ (Jakarta: Le nte ra Hati, 2012), 533.
40 Ibid., 534.
َٰ َ لََو ِۖء ٓ
ا َسِّيلٱ ِت ََٰز ۡىَع َٰى لَع ْاوُس َهۡظَي ۡم َ َ
ل ًَي ِر َّلٱ ِلۡف ِّطلٱ ِوَأ ا َم َم َ
لۡعُيِل ًَّ ِهِل ُجۡز َ
أِب ًَۡبِس ۡضَي
َنى ُح ِل ۡفُث ۡم ُك َّلَعَل َنىُىِمۡؤُ ۡلۡٱ َهُّيَأ اًعيِمَج ِهَّللٱ ىَلِإ ْآىُبىُثَو ًََِّّۚهِتَىيِش ًِم َنيِفۡخُي ١٣
Me aning: And say to the be lie ving wome n that they should lowe r the ir gaze and guard the ir mode sty; that the y should not play the ir be auty and orname nts e xce pt what (ordinarily) appe ar the re of; that the y should draw the ir ve ils ove r the ir bosoms and not display the ir be auty e xce pt to the ir husbands, the ir fathe rs, the ir husband’s fathe r, the ir sons, the ir husband’s sons, the ir brothe rs or the ir brothe r’s sons, or the ir siste r’s sons, of the ir wome n, or the slave s whom the ir right hands posse ss, or male atte ndants fre e of se xual de sire s. Or small childre n who no carnal knowle dge of wome n; and that the y should not strike the ir fe e t in orde r to draw atte ntion to the ir hidde n orname nts. And O ye Be lie ve rs! Turn ye all toge ther towards Allah in re pe ntance that ye may be succe ssful.
According to al-Singkili in his Turjumān al-Mustafīd, this verse informed the Prophet Muhammad to explain to Muslims that they must keep their sight, conceal their genitals and not to commit adultery. And they are forbidden to reveal their ornaments except what appears so, like the face and palm, or when due to an emergency situation. Believing woman are required to cover head and neck up to the chest by wearing a shawl, and do not exhibit ornaments except to the husband, father, parent in law, children, stepchildren, brothers, child from brother or child from sister, Islam women, or the slaves they owned, or servants who have not desire (to women) or children who do not understand about the woman genital. They are also restricted from stampping their feet so that known about their ornaments on foot.41
According to Mahmūd Yūnus in Tafsīr Qur’ān Karim, this verse tells the Muslim women to keep their view from forbidden things, because it could be the first step toward crime, especially in the Eastern country with heat weather. Muslim women are also forbidden to open their ornaments or their body and expose them to men who are not their close family, except the part that is usually open, such as face, palm up to the wrist, and soles to ankles. This is the Hanafite school’s opinion. Even there were said to be seen half of palms and soles of feet because those all very
41 al-Jāwī, Tarjumān al-Mustafīd, 354.
commonly seen while working.42 Yūnus also explains that the woman should close the head, occipital, and her chest with shawl (kerudung). But he understood the verse from the other side that the instruction to close the head is telling about the woman’s clothing in the context of civilization in the Arab land.43
In this verse, Hamka explains that women are told to keep their views and genitals from bad things and also demanded them for not showing their jewelry except the real ones like ring on fingers, face and hands because that is what is meant by real jewelry. It means simplest and inconspicuous and encouraging.
Then it is also explained that women should adopt scarf to cover head and chest.44 The commandment to close the scarf to juyūb means a hole opening the chest so that the base of the breast appears, which may cause problems and lust. It is by concealing the part of the body that the modesty is established and that control over sexual arousal is strictly realized.45
In the philosophy of the modern worldview it is said that a highly restricted relationship between men and women will create some kind of inner pressure on a person. Therefore in a free association, just looking at each other, talking freely, hanging out and joking that is not outrageous among men and women should be allowed, so that the pressure lust can be slightly released. This philosophy was put forward by scholars like Sigmund Freud. But Hamka denied this presumption, arguing that if so then the free association will be more rampant. If the chest is opened, the back is opened, thighs opened or association between men and women are not bounded in a secure union, then people may go uncontrolled sexually. Therefore, there must be a regulation for modest human’s performance, decency and politeness.46
Hamka explained that women have to cover all of their body except what (ordinary) appear, he mentioned it that the meaning of that is they may be able to show ring on their fingers, face, and hands because that is what is meant by real jewelry. But it seems
42 Yunus, Tafsir Qurān, 515.
43 Ibid., 516–517.
44 Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, 179.
45 Ibid., 180.
46 Ibid., 181.
like there is not harmony with the interpretation of the verse before that women have to wear jilbab (clothes that used to cover their bodies included face and palm of the hand).
Quraish Shihab proposes reasoning in this case based on the argument cited from the Tunisian noted theologian M. Ṭāhir Ibn 'Āshūr, stating that one tradition derived from a nation cannot simply be manifested to other nations.
Ibn ‘Āshūr sets an example from al-Aḥzāb [35]: 59 which told Muslim women to wear a veil over their head. He comments that this is a doctrine of the Arabs so it does not play out to other nations that do not make veil obligatory. Commenting on the verse, he further said that ‚the ways in which veil is used vary largely on the different situation that women have and the tradition or custom that they ascribe. But, the purpose of this command is to avoid inconvenience and that the principle is that is most convenient, that they should be known (as such) and not molested.47
Based on the argument above, Shihab concludes that we can say that cover the whole of body except the face and the palm is the main principal of the verse. However, at the same time, we are not natural states to them who do not wear the veil or reveals some from her hand, that they are certainly has violated religious instruction.48
The Context of the Interpretation and It’s Influence on the Concept of Woman’s Dress
Basically the Quran only gives general information related to the concept of women’s clothes with the objective to cover the body and its part. This section will analyze the interpretation development of the Qur’anic verses which talk about woman's clothing, such as al-Aḥzāb [35]: 59 and al-Nūr [24]: 31.
That became the main sentence from the first verse ‛That they should cast their outer garments over their persons (when out of doors):
that is most convenient.‛ Jalābīb word is plural from jilbāb which mean assortment. ‘Abd al-Ra'ūf al-Singkili defined it with as fabric (kain). Maḥmūd Yūnus defined jilbāb as outer garment (baju
47 Shihab, ‚Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ,‛ 533.
48 Ibid., 534.
mantel), while Hasbī Ash-Shiddieqy said that jilbab is kind of shawl (selendang), and Quraish Shihab calls it jilbab.
All the meanings above, let's see definition of words and connect with the related verse. First: Fabric is translated as the material to make clothe or anything else.49 Based on the meaning then is meant fabric by Al-Singkilī is a width fabric used to cover the whole of the body including face and palm. Second: Coat is translated as the thick long clothe to cover the entire body (not include the head).50 In other words, jilbāb here is meant the command to cover the body so that this will not become visible.
Third: the shawl is translated as the fabric used to cover part of the neck. It means the shawl must be used on head and expanded throughout so to cover the chest.
On the second verse is said ‚That they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (ordinary) appear thereof.‛ On this verse Al-Singkilī did not mention what it meant by ornaments. But his perspective based on his interpretation from the first verse is that the meaning of ornaments here is the beautiful ornaments of women’s body. Al-Singkilī interpreted that women prohibited exposing part of their body except what usually appears such as face and palm. Probably al-Singkilī understands illā word or in terms of but. Or he means it in term of Arabic is istisna’ munqaṭi’.
This means that they should not display their beauty and ornaments; but what appear (perforce or unintentionally as the blow of wind and other things), is excusable.
On the main sentence, Yūnus interpreted that women were forbidden to reveal their jewelry that is body part except what usually appears to work or in activity as face and palm up to the wrist, and soles of the feet until the ankles. By this reason this is usual case when doing some activities. In other words, Yūnus understands this verse textually i.e. except what (ordinary) appear theoreof. In the context of the community life, especially Indonesia, that parts of body must be opened that will be difficult when do not open as previously mentioned. Yūnus applied this verse by
49 De parte me n Pe ndidikan Nasional, Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (Jakarta:
Balai Pustaka, 2001), 489.
50 Ibid., 713.
adjusting Indonesia community situation because think ing that message to cover head is a message about women clothing civilization which are in commonplace in the Arabic land.
He mentioned it that the meaning of that commandment is they may be able to show ring on their fingers, face, and hands because that is what is meant by real jewelry. But it seems like there is conflict with the interpretation of the previous verse regrading women wearing jilbab (clothes that is used to cover their bodies including the face and palm of the hand). We perceive generally that Hamka wants women to wear jilbab, but on the second verse he interpreted by adapting the verse with the condition in Indonesia where the face and hand are commonly exposed. However, on the first verse, he seems to have been influenced by his reference in writing his interpretation work. It means there is no mistakes for every woman to wear jilbab like in Arabic women but for Indonesian woman to cover whole bodies are not an obligatory because face and hand are commenly not concealed in Indonesia. Since both countries have different tradition and geographical context, then the commandment regarding the order of wearing jilbab covering the whole body cannot be applied in Indonesia.
Shihab understands the main sentence from this verse, where he argue that the verse’s objective of wearing jilbab seems to reflect culture nd social context of a society. His understanding that the meaning by except what (ordinary) appear thereof is part of head, and palm up to the elbow because it is so commonly not covered in Indonesian society.
Based on the analysis above, we have found the explanation on woman’s dressing in the Quran. This shows three patterns of women’s dressing: Clothes that cover the whole body including the face and palm of the hand, Clothes that cover the whole body except face and palm of hand and Clothes that cover whole body except part of head, palm of hand and soles of the feet.
Conclusion
The tradition of women clothing in Indonesia in the past is that they only use a sheet of cloth, as this this has been evidenced through the illustration from reliefs of Majapahit Temple. But
slowly, the tradition has developed, where it receives influence from other countries, especially from the Middle East during the close contact for business and then for spreading Islam.
Islam basically has given guidance about the principle of decent and proper dress in the Qur’an. However, the verses regarding the dress code in this scripture still need more explanation to gain appropriate comprehension. One way to do so is to elucidate the Indonesian Muslim scholars’ interpretation of the verses on dress code in their exegetical work, such as Tarjumān al-Mustafīd, Tafsīr Munīr Li Ma’alim al-Tanzīl, Tafsīr Qur’ān Karīm, Fayd al-Raḥmān, Tafsīr al-Nūr, Tafsīr al-Azhar, al-Qur’an dan Tafsirnya, and Tafsīr al-Miṣbāḥ.
We have showed that every interpreter in their respective period and work show that although they have a common view on women’s dress in the Qur’an, but they alo hold different view, ranging from strict to flexible perspective on how women dress properly. Mostly, they agree that there are parts of the women’s body that must be concealed. Such differences suggest that every interpretation is contingent upon many factors and such factor finally shape the main idea of each interpreters’ understanding of the Quranic verses on women’s clothe.
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