The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming: An Institutional 185 Perspective on Continuity and Change
Discursive and Institutional Changes Captured
186 Conclusions
contained in the world problematique are not translated and institutionalised within the emerging EC environmental policy. Rather, it is upheld within the emerging EC environmental policy that solutions to environmental depletion should be pursued by means of technological innovation. Finally, even though marginal to the overall objectives of the emerging EC environmental policy and even if it is not institutionalised since further research is needed to establish the possible benefits of organic farming: a link had been articulated between organic farming (or biological farming which is the preferred terms at this point) and Community agricultural policy concerns within the emerging EC environmental policy by the late 1970s.
The CAP Before and After 1985
The CAE' may both be described by certain discursive and institutional characteristics stretching beyond 1985 and by certain discursive and institutional characteristics that differ markedly before and after 1985. In other words, the CAP may both be described in terms of continuity and in terms of change around 1985. Accordingly, the CAP is both before and after 1985 faced by problems that relate to agricultural surplus production, budget pressures and the use of public funding in support of the already better-off farmers. These problems are cognitively instituted in the sense that they are based on two dissimilar couplings. First, problems that relate to agricultural surplus production, budget pressures and the use of public funding in support of the already better-off farmers, are generated by experiences based on a coupling between evaluations of developments predicted as early as in the late 1960s and actual developments in agriculture up to 1985. Second, the cognitively instituted problems are - both before and after 1985 - based on a coupling between, on the one hand, actual and further predicted agricultural surplus production, budget pressures and the disfavouring of certain farmers and agricultural regions in the Community and, on the other hand, an ideal holding that the CAE' should strive towards equalising such imbalances.
At the same time, the period up to 1985 is also characterised by the institutionalisation of a number of normative problems related to rural exodus, structural diversification, intensive agriculture, and environmental depletion.
That is, whereas such problems before 1985 were articulated as a concern in various contexts - for instance, within the emerging EC environmental policy, among people involved in alternative agriculture, and among groupings within the EP - problems relating to rural exodus, structural diversification, intensive agriculture and environmental depletion are, after 1985, institutionalised concerns within the CAP. These problems are normatively instituted in the sense that they are based on a coupling between, on the one hand, an actual but also a predicted further modernisation of agricultural production, increasingly severe
The Common Agricult~rral Policy and Organic Farming: An Institutional 187 Perspective on Continuity and Change
budgetary constraints, and depressed markets, and, on the other hand, an ideal holding that the CAP should contribute to the protection of the environment.
Guaranteed prices and direct product subsidies are - both before and after 1985 - conceived of as the sources of some of the problems facing the CAP.
However, unlike the time prior to 1985, it was acceptable in the post-1985 years to refer to the modernisation of agriculture and a choice of society in favour of a 'Green Europe' as contributing to problems requiring the attention of the CAP.
Moreover, whereas techilological progress before 1985 was conceived of as a 'fact of life' to which the CAP needed to adapt, after 1985 it was also acceptable within the CAP to refer to technological progress as a source of some of the problems that should be dealt with by the CAP. The introduction of a higher degree of co-responsibility with the aim to (re)establish an incentive structure that makes farmers more responsive to market developments and socio- structural policies are both before and after 1985 regarded as viable solutions to some of the problems central to the CAP. After 1985, however, it also became acceptable within the CAP to refer to solutions, which conceive agriculture as a part of the larger economy and as the protector of the environment. While it was still acceptable in the early 1980s to refer to the need to protect the CAP from international competition, this seems to have become a less viable solution, particularly in the latter part of the 1990s. That is, 1985 was not marked by change with regard to this specific institutional development and, it is unclear when, and how such changes may have come about.
With regard to organic farming, before 1985, it had been articulated as a potential and partial solution to certain problems in agriculture yet, after 1985, organic farming had come to resemble a linguistic field in which further articulations and institutionalisations may take place. That is, among people involved in alternative agriculture both at the community level and within certain Member States (France, the Netherlands and the UK), organic farming was - before 1985 - being articulated as a potential and partial solution to the overuse of energy and agri-chemicals in agriculture and as contributing towards an ecological balance needed in order to ensure sufficient food supplies in the long term. At the same time, it was regarded doubtful as to whether organic farming would address problems of surplus production and research into the scope and potential of organic farming was needed. After 1985, organic farming was also linked to problems within the CAP and - in particular - to concerns with food quality and consumer demands for organic produce. However, further research was needed into the link between organic farming and food quality.
The CAP Before and After 1992
The CAP may also be described both by certain discursive and institutional characteristics stretching beyond 1992 and by certain discursive and institutional characteristics that differ markedly before and after 1992. Accordingly, the CAP
188 Conclusions
was - both before and after 1992 - faced with cognitively instituted problems of agricultural surplus production, budget pressures and the build up of intervention stocks. Although rural exodus and structural diversity seemed to be turned into concerns with the unjust distribution of support between farmers and regions, such normatively instituted problems are central to the CAP both before and after 1992. Likewise, the CAP - both before and after 1992 - was faced with normatively instituted problems related to environmental depletion. Thus, the problems facing the CAP before and after 1992 represent continuity, with the qualification that tension with international trading partners became an institutionalised concern of the CAP after 1992, as opposed to before.
Significant changes are found in the sources of, and solutions to, the problems the CAP needed to deal with before and after 1992. The modernisation of agriculture, economic recession, technological progress, community enlargement and a choice of society in favour of a 'Green Europe' are, before 1992, conceived as being the sources of problems central to the CAP. However, after 1992 problems within the CAP are rather explained by the system of guaranteed agricultural prices, direct product subsidies, a decline in the values of the US dollar and world market prices for agricultural produce. Importantly, problems that - before 1992 - are cognitively and normatively instituted have - after 1992 - mutated in the sense that intensive farming is institutionalised both as the source of problems related to surplus production, and environmental depletion.
The solutions preferred in the endeavour to resolve the problems central to the CAP also differ before and after 1992. Prior to 1992 it was considered that the CAP ought to deal with agriculture as part of a larger economy and as the protector of the environment. However, from 1992 such conceptions had been turned into specific solutions that related to direct aid to farmers and support of extensive farming, a restrictive price policy and a rural development policy.
With regard to organic farming, whereas it made up a linguistic field before 1992, organic farming was, after 1992, institutionalised within the CAP as an object for community regulation, as fulfilling certain consumer demands and as contributing to the fulfilling of CAP objectives relating to the protection of the environment and the maintenance of the countryside.
The CAP Before and After the Late 1990s
As events become contemporaneous the estimations of the points in time, which may be marked by ideational and institutional change, are attached with increased uncertainty. In other words, the future may show that it would have been more appropriate to make a synchronic cut in time slightly earlier (or later) than done in the current context which, in turn, may give rise to refined conclusions as to changes in the discursive and institutional context. Still, the
The Common Agricultural Policy and Organic Farming: An Institutional 189 Perspective on Continuity and Change
late 1990s may be described by certain discursive and institutional characteristics before and after this point in time.
Surplus production, budget pressures and the build up of intervention stocks is - both before and after the late 1990s - of concern within the CAP. However, whereas problems relating to surplus production, budget pressures and the build up of intervention stocks before the late 1990s are cognitively instituted, such concerns came to form part of analytically instituted problems after the late 1990s. After the late 1990s, the CAP is thus faced by problems relating to more liberalised international agricultural trade, and the uncertainty as to whether European agriculture will be able to profit from this development. This problem is analytically instituted in the sense it is based on a coupling between, on the one hand, predicted more liberalised international agricultural trade and potentially profitable international markets and, on the other hand, actual developments within the CAP, which has established an experience of a relationship between high price policies and insufficient competitiveness in the world market. The management and complexity of the CAP was also an institutionalised concern for the CAP to deal with after the late 1990s. This problem is analytically instituted and based on a coupling between the predicted enlargement of the EU to the east and a number of actual enlargements throughout the development of the CAP, which has established an experience of a relationship between Community enlargements, on the one hand, and administrative complexity and structural diversity, on the other hand.
Moreover, the unjust distribution of support among farmers and regions and environmental depletion are normatively instituted concerns of the CAP both before and after the late 1990s. However, the inadequacy of the CAP to resolve such concerns are, after the late 1990s, increasingly conceived of as contributing to the establishment of a negative image of the CAP in the broader public arena.
The image problem of the CAP is normatively instituted and based on a coupling between, on the one hand, an actual but also predicted further inadequacy of the CAP to resolve current problems in agriculture and, on the other hand, an ideal holding that the CAP needs to obtain its legitimacy among the wider public. Finally, whereas food safety, food quality and animal welfare before the late 1990s are articulated as problems that the CAP ought to deal with, such problems are institutionalised concerns within the CAP after the late 1990s.
High price polices and direct product subsidies, intensive farming, enlargements of the EU and unfortunate developments in world markets are identified as the sources of problems within the CAP both before and after the late 1990s.
However, after the late 1990s, international competition, the inadequacy of the CAP to deal with problems in agriculture and the need for the CAP to obtain its legitimacy in the broader public arena are also regarded as the sources of problems central to the CAP. The solutions envisaged both before and after the late 1990s are a restrictive price policy, a decoupling of support from yields in favour of direct aid to farmers and a rural development policy. However, after the late 1990s it was also acceptable to refer to solutions, which take particular
190 Conclusions
national or local conditions into consideration and which aim to simplify the management of the CAP.
Finally, organic farming is - both before and after the late 1990s -
institutionalised as a solution to consumer demands for the protection of the environment and as contributing to the objectives of the CAP to protect the environment and maintain the countryside. However, after the late 1990s, it was also acceptable within the CAP to refer to organic farming as a solution to problems related to food safety, the diversity of food products, food quality and animal welfare. In general, whereas the CAP, prior to the late 1990s, was exclusively made up of a number of commodity regimes or market organisations, after the late 1990s a policy field concern with organic farming had been institutionalised within the auspices of the CAP.