Northeast Nuances
3.3.9 Negative Representation of Violence: Few Instances
and violence’ (Basu and Kohli 183) and rarely deals with the ‘institutional development processes’ (183) of the northeastern states. Like “in the case of Manipur, many of the media agencies did not focus on the importance of past history and the indigenous demographic profile of the state” but instead only intervened when the violence that was in accordance with popular perceptions, was expected to attract media consumers. Thus it may be confirmed that the “narrow media outlook is responsible for a substantial misunderstanding of political processes in the northeast”
(Bordoloi).
Media texts, specifically news are broadly “socially constructed reality” (Berkowitz 16/453) which “necessarily has meaning and significance” (118). Interpretation of media texts also depends on the how messages or ideologies are transmitted to the public. Thus the way violence in regard to the region is shown in media texts has the power to define what northeast actually is and what it becomes in perception of the media consumers. As widely understood “news is not the reality, but an interpretation of the event that depends on who sees it, writes it and often also who reads it (Mochahari); the media perceptions surrounding Assam and the entire Northeast needs to be relooked into in order to project a better region to the rest of the world and change perceptions and break stereotypes.
The responses (Figure 3.22) on Few Instances of Negative Representation of Violence may be categorised as below:
Figure 3.22: Responses on Few Instances of Negative Representation of Violence
Adivasi Andolan 2007: 16% respondents (Figure 3.22) referred to the Adivasi Andolan also known as the 2007 Beltola Incident, when violence erupted during a rally taken out by tribal people demanding Scheduled Tribe status for their community. As a Tehelka report stated “The violent clashes between the local people and the Adivasi rallyists left one dead and about 240 injured, one lady was reportedly gangraped and around 31 people were reported missing, some of them women”
(Rehman 2014). The primary attention of the media as revealed by respondents and archive reports was the woman protester who was stripped and molested by the residents of Guwahati with extended focus on violence (see Image 25, 26, 27).
As a Senior News Correspondent of an English language newspaper organisation sums up media’s negative approach towards the incident:
Beltola incident was seen projecting the other side of human behaviour, where only one aspect of the protest was highlighted. The cause and effect of the protest was never picked up by media.
Only one woman was attacked by some miscreants, but some media houses even projected it as many being stripped and harassed. Moreover the identity of the female victim was openly disclosed in news reports which stand against media ethics.
18 7
17 9
38
14
1 1 2 3 2
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
No. of Respondents
Instances of Negative Representation of Violence
Responses
Ganeshguri Molestation 2012: 6% respondents (Figure 3.29) referred to the incidence in Ganeshguri in Guwahati which apparently exposes the insensitivity of reporters to deal with violence against a woman. “The incident created a nation-wide sensation when a girl was molested by a group of people outside a bar on July 9, 2012 and the entire incident was shot by a media person on camera which was later telecasted” (11 convicted, four acquitted in Guwahati molestation case).
According to Anchor/ Programme Producer of a regional television news channel:
The most recent example is that of the molestation case near Club mint (Violence against women), GS Road. The journalist shot the incident waited for the entire drama to roll out so that he could record the entire incident. The result was that he got very strong images for his story but he failed as a human being. His main action should have been stopping the men from molesting the girl and call for help which the reporter did not do.
Kokrajhar violence 2014: 15% respondents (Figure 3.22) refer at the 2014 violence in Assam. The initiation of the violence was a series of attacks by an extremist group in the districts of Chirang, Sonitpur and Kokrajhar of Assam on 23 December 2014. It was attack on non-Bodo settlers of the region by the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). As per news reports “the militants killed 37 people in Sonitpur, and 27 in Kokrajhar, including 18 children and 21 women” (Karmakar). As a Hindustan Times headline describes the incident in short “Assam killings take on ethnic hue: Over 70 killed in Bodo attacks, 250 missing” (Karmakar) the emphasis in the story lies in the highlight of the ethnic conflict. “At least 250 people are reported missing in one of the bloodiest incidents of ethnic violence in the northeastern state, bringing back memories of 2012 when similar conflicts between Bodo tribal groups and Bengali-Muslims in Kokrajhar and neighbouring districts left about 100 people dead and over five lakh homeless” (Karmakar).
BTAD violence 2012: 34% of respondents (Figure 3.22) refered to the violence in BTAD (Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District) in Assam in 2012, clashes between the so called ‘Bodos’ and the Muslims. As Subir Bhaumik describes the magnitude of the extended violence, “The latest bout has left about 40 dead and displaced tens of thousands. The state remains tense as the army has been issued with shoot on sight orders” (2012). Below are some selected responses which cite the negative aspect of representation of violence in the 2012 Assam violence.
Coverage of communal clashes in Assam’s BTAD area can be completely said to be biased reporting by certain news channels.
Say for example the recent BTAD violence. The more coverage the media gave to the issue, the more aggravated the situation became. BTAD continued to burn for months.
To cite instances and examples there will be many but to sum up with the recent fallout in Assam’s BTAD (2012), it is clear that most media houses where running to give news first and fast, showing old visuals as something that just happened.
The recent coverage of ethnic clashes that occurred last year in Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District (BTAD) proves that without much research conducted on the origin and deep rooted aspects of the conflict, judgment was very easily passed on the nature of the conflict, instead of breaking down the complexity of the issue. Also most news channels had similar kind of coverage and similar views on the issues with very little room for introspection and very little representation from the actual people who are part of the area of conflict.
Ethnic Violence of 2012 in BTAD was represented in media in very negative manner. No media reported story on positive actions done by government or the civil society group or common man. What was out in media, only added fuel to the negative communal sentiments of people.
As is found in various representations of violence the religious identities of the people are given more priority rather than focusing on the real story. As pointed out by few below are few selected responses sharing similar views:
Violence in BTAD is projected over and over again by local media which spur into a major quarks between the people living outside Assam, such as Karnataka, Maharashtra and some other places… the people of Assam who are working there had rushed back home for safety and security, only on the basis of rumours and widely publicised sms’s send anti-Indian propaganda terrorist or may be some other underground group. But it could have been e checked if the right to freedom of speech is used properly. Unnecessarily communal tensions began in some parts of Assam which could have been controlled if the local media is to have the mind to check and balances.
The Bangladeshi-Bodo clash that happened in 2012 was blown over the media as a communal strife (Muslims verses Bodos) and not as a national issue (Bangladeshis VS Bodos). This is a negative representation of violence as the root of the problem is completely taken out of the picture (usurping Bodo territory and land) and what is presented to the audience ignites communal sentiments which lead to unnecessary communal violence within India.”
Guwahati serial blasts 2008: Assam blasts on 30th October, 2008 in Guwahati are considered as the worst ever serial blasts in Assam. 13% respondents (Figure 3.22) referred to the 2008 blasts and related representation by media to have be done unethically following no said rules of violence representation. While the television news channels are criticised of broadcasting horrific details and unedited footages over and over again (see Image 7, 8, 9) the print media also is said to have published images of the violence unedited (see Image 1). As a Reuters report states “Eleven bomb blasts in quick succession ripped through the main city of India's troubled northeastern Assam state and three other towns… killing at least 68 people and wounding 335” (Das).
Selective responses reflecting the above view are given below:
Graphic coverage of the serial bomb blasts that rocked Guwahati by the local media and negligence by national media left much to be desired.
Serial blasts on 30th October, 2008 in parts of Assam. The coverages were mainly on how many people died and how many were injured. The mostly focus of private news channels was on government inefficiency in tackling the situation and lack of security initiatives taken in the state irrespective of past experiences.
Goalpara incident: Nine respondents point at the violence in Goalpara district in Assam along Assam-Meghalaya border as apparently been negatively represented by media. A Tehelka report dated 22 January 2011 reported “at least 10 deaths, nearly 100 injured, 50,000 displaced and more than 300 houses gutted” (Choudhury). Media reports were primarily on violent ethnic clashes between two communities, the Garos and the Rabhas and disruption of communal harmony in the region. Moreover the extensive reports of the displaced people were repeatedly broadcasted by television news channels with explicit coverage of the relief camps. Visuals from direct location were broadcast on mainstream news channels as well like Times Now (see Image 23) and NDTV (see Image 19, 21) along with photographs published in mainstream newspapers and news portals like The Indian Express (see Image 24).
According to Senior Correspondent of a vernacular language newspaper organisation:
Media reports exemplified the tension between the communities in such a way that violence escalated instantly. Media reports were too quick to pronounce the initiation of violence. I don’t know if all reported by media were actually true or not. But the worse coverage was of the displaced in camps.
Support prevalent representation: 3% respondents (Figure 3.22) denied any negativism in media representation of violence in the region. Respondents apparently explained media representations to be representations of the happenings around. And as the situation is volatile representations also would not be pleasing. Some even blames the media consumers of misinterpreting the media texts as negative.
According to Senior Correspondent of a National newspaper with Guwahati edition:
No one should blame media for representing violence in a news item. However in many cases there are examples of audience taking a news item in a different way and reacting to it. The recent communal conflicts in the state are fresh examples, where several sections of people reacted to some news items.
According to Staff Reporter of a vernacular language newspaper:
There is no negative response to representation of violence in media. We only report on facts and figures and on the action taken by the police or the state government in such situations.
Changing scenario: 2% of respondents (Figure 3.22) pointed at the recent changes that have been noticed in media representations regarding Northeast. The focus apparently has shifted from violence to stories with encouraging positive story angles.
From a violent prone image the region is procuring identity and gaining popularity with its efficiency in the field of sports, culture and tourism.
Exclusively pointing out with changing instances of representation patters from Assam in media was apparently not easy for respondents. Covering the entire northeastern region certain instances were pointed out by respondents so as to mark the shift in representations. As a respondent stated:
Changes may be noticed in media attention to various other issues rather than terror alone. The focus has been on sports to some extent especially on Manipur after Olympics. The Northeast football association also had its share of media attention.
According to Freelance journalist from Assam:
Manipur is represented mostly for violence by militants or state, although its sports, culture, arts have more news value. A film on life of Mary Kom can be said to the best example.
Surrender of top leaders of ULFA: 1% of respondents referred to the surrendered ULFA members and procedure related news left lot to be desired for the media to perform in the region. Moreover the “label ‘Sulfa’ coined by the local media... took on a pejorative connotation” (Mahanta 145). Respondents were opined that the
mainstream media is mostly seen accepting news only in relation to violence when it comes to ULFA or any other organisation as such and thus peace processes and Surrender of militants does not interest or figure in media reports. Regional media though seems to the cover the incidents proper explanation of events, background stories and reconciliations and follow-up stories are often missed out.
Respondents referring to negative representation of violence also mentioned about Attack on MLA Rumi Nath (1% of respondents) and Gender violence or reports on Rape Victims (1% of respondents) as incidents which were not appropriately reported in media. In case of attack on Member of Legislative Assembly respondents feel media played a biased role in protecting the women negatively and also to some extent reportedly supported the mob attack on her. Moreover if considered the incident to be a violence against women incident the identity of the victim needed to be guarded rather than directly showing the incident unedited, or doing direct photo stories. While for gender violence representation respondents criticised media reports of revealing the identities of the victim without consent.
It was derived that respondents refer to a plethora of examples of instances of representation of violent incidents, mostly referring to the negative manner. Most of the incidents cited were of mass violence, where perpetrators of violence were many, and also a large population was affected. The elaborate reportage of violence by television news channels was reported by a newspaper as “…television today brought to Assam homes one more scene of Saturday’s street horror - when hundreds of tribals were attacked over a 3.5km stretch of the city” (“Shame on Guwahati streets”).