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DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES, SOCIAL ACTIVITIES AND WOMEN: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS IN THE CONTEXT OF PANCHAYATI RAJ SYSTEM
Dr. Snehil Misra
Ex Research Scholar, Dept. of Sociology, B.H.U, Varanasi
Abstract - India has a long history of panchayati raj beginning from self-reliant and autonomous rural area communities that survived the up and down of empires in the ancient times to the modern legalized institutions of supremacy at the lowest level i.e., 3rd level with the help of Constitution.
If we look back to Rig-Vedic period (1200 BC), on the basis of evidences we come to know that at that time self-governing village bodies that were known as „sabhas‟ existed in society. As the time passed, „sabhas‟ got converted and came to known as „panchayats‟
(council of five persons). In every village there was presence of functional institutions of grass root governance known as Panchayats. These bodies i.e., Village Panchayat or elected councils had huge powers, both types of powers such as executive power and judicial power.
Keywords: Panchayati Raj, Empowerment, Government.
India has a long history of panchayati raj beginning from self-reliant and autonomous rural area communities that survived the up and down of empires in the ancient times to the modern legalized institutions of supremacy at the lowest level i.e., 3rd level with the help of Constitution.
If we look back to Rig-Vedic period (1200 BC), on the basis of evidences we come to know that at that time self- governing village bodies that were known as „sabhas‟ existed in society. As the time passed, „sabhas‟ got converted and came to known as „panchayats‟ (council of five persons). In every village there was presence of functional institutions of grass root governance known as Panchayats. These bodies i.e., Village Panchayat or elected councils had huge powers, both types of powers such as executive power and judicial power.
Panchayat in the past had rights and powers to distribute the Land, to collect taxes out of the productions and they also had the duty to pay the government‟s share on behalf of the village. There was also the presence of large panchayats or councils in order to supervise various matters and to interfere wherever there was a need.
Local self-governance in rural areas slowly came to an end as problems like Casteism and feudalistic system of governance under Mughal rule surfaced.
There was an emergence of new class of feudal chiefs and revenue collectors (zamindars) between the monarch and the citizens. This resulted in stagnation and decline of self-governance in rural India.
In British era, there was gradual decline observed in the autonomy of panchayats as local civil and criminal courts were established, department of revenue and police department came into existence, there was a rise in communications, the development of individualism and the functioning of a whole new Raiyatwari (landholder-wise) system as in place of Mahalwari or village tenure system.
1 PANCHAYAT SYSTEM IN BRITISH ERA
Britishers never gave importance and priority to the panchayats. They gave priority to create „controlled‟ local bodies that would facilitate them in their trading interests through tax collection in their favour. After the uprising of 1857 the colonial rule came under huge economic crisis and pressure. Now, they saw
„Decentralization‟ as a sole measure through which they could uplift the burden of various works related to road and public works to local bodies and put them over the shoulders of local bodies. It could be clearly observed that they only laid importance over this „obligated‟
decentralisation in context of municipal organization and administration.
It was since the year 1870 when the required momentum was provided to the local institutions for their development and decentralisation of power to bring about administrative efficiency in fulfilling people‟s demand and to the funds of colonial rule. The action taken by Lord Mayo ultimately resulted in the evolution of colonial policy towards local government and became a
2 landmark step. It is quite important to note that it was Lord Ripon, under whose regime the famous resolution on local self-government (May 18, 1882) provided importance and recognition to the two important considerations of government at local level: (1) executive efficiency and (2) political learning. “Ripon Resolution”, has mainly given importance and focus on towns, provided for local bodies that comprised of huge majority of non-official members those who were elected and they were presided over by non-official head or chairperson. Colonial rulers opposed this resolution. As a result the development of local self-government was delayed as half- hearted steps were taken for establishing these municipal bodies. While taking various administrative measures for development the British rule did not give importance to decentralisation in rural areas of India.
It was in 1907 when under the chairmanship of C. E. H. Hobhouse „The Royal Commission on Decentralisation (1907)‟ was established which provided acceptance and recognition to the need and importance of panchayats in rural parts of India. The Commission recommended that it is most desirable, alike in the interests of decentralisation that an attempt should be made to constitute and develop village panchayats for the administration of local village affairs and to associate the people with the local tasks of administration.
Contrary to it, the Montague-Chemsford reforms (1919) introduced local self- government in a form of provincial transferred subject which was kept under the ministers of country (India) in provinces. At that time as there were economic and organisational constraints, it became difficult for these reforms to take place and establish panchayat institution as democratic institution in lively and in true sense. An important development that took place during this era was that - village panchayats were established in various provinces and mere adhocism in judicial tribunal came to an end. On the other hand it was found that the representative institutions symbolised corporate culture of rural areas and having a broad jurisdiction in context of public affairs. In the year 1925, panchayat act was passed by the then eight provinces. Later, in a very short time
of one year in 1926, pancayat laws were passed by the then six native states.
It was under the Government of India Act, 1935, the provincial self- government came into existence which ultimately resulted in development of panchayats in India. Local self- governments were further granted democratic power by the provincial government those came in power with majority. On the other hand it appears that the system of responsible government at the grassroots level was not functioning properly and was minimal responsible towards their stake holders.
D.P.Mishra, who at that time was minister for local self-government under the Government of India Act of 1935 in Central Provinces, was of opinion that the functioning of the local level bodies... in provinces and perhaps in the entire nation presents a painful scenario...
„Inefficiency‟ and „local body‟ have become synonymous terms...‟.
A hierarchical administrative structure based on the supervision and control evolved in spite of presence of various important bodies such as Royal Commission on Decentralisation (1907), the report of Montague and Chemsford on constitutional reform (1919). Rural governance functions on the order of administrator as these rulers have complete control over these rural areas.
Decentralization was not the main concern of these British rulers but they were more concerned about how to fulfil the aims and objectives of their colonial rule.
Under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi the Independence movement got organized. The Swaraj movement all over India which started in 1920‟s continued till 1947 and was also given importance by Indian National Congress (INC). As a result, least emphasis was laid over the task of preparing any type of blueprint for the local level. Harmony was lacking among the top leaders in context of role and status that should be given to the institution of local self-government in rural areas. In this context there were number of opinions on the subject. The concept of Village Swaraj was supported by Gandhi so that village panchayats could be strengthened but Dr. B. R.
Ambedkar opposed this concept presented by Gandhi. He was of the opinion that-the village represented „regressive‟ India,
3 which was a reason of repression. It was a requirement of model state to develop safeguards to protect themselves from social oppression; it could be done by adopting parliamentary model of politics.
When the Constitution of India was being drafted, „Panchayati Raj Institutions were kept in non-justifiable part of Indian Constitution, the Directive Principle of State Policy, under Article 40. As has been emphasised in Article that necessary measures shall be taken by the State to organise panchayats in villages and provide them authority as per their essential requirement in order to facilitate them so that they can function a unitary body of self-government‟. Unfortunately, at national and state level no worthwhile legislation was enacted. Since the Constitution came into force in 1950 in India, the journey travelled by panchayati raj institutions is from the non-justifiable part of Indian Constitution to an entire developing status through a separate amendment.
2 STATUS OF PANCHAYATS IN POST- INDEPENDENCE PERIOD
In the long journey of its development, various phases have been travelled by Panchayati Raj Institutions. People couldn‟t be attracted by the First five year plan to make their involvement in this institution. At that time there was a need to make contribution in the formulation and to look after these plans in order to scrutinize these programmes during their implementation. When the second five year plan started, efforts were made to cover whole rural India with National Extensive Service Blocks with the help of institutions viz. Block Development Officers, Assistant Development Officers, Village Level Workers. All of them were present together with the representatives those who were nominated from panchayats of mentioned regions. Few other organisations such as cooperative societies were popular enough at the panchayat level. Unfortunately, decentralization was not achieved at satisfactory level through these plans. In order to give various advices to Centre on various aspects of decentralization number of committees were formed.
2.1 The Balwantrai Mehta Committee (1957)
Balwantrai Mehta Committee came into existence in the year 1957 and it focused its study on National Extension Service and Community Development Projects.
This committee also evaluated the success of this movement in achieving its target in order to use initiatives that were present in surrounding so that institutions could be developed in order to ensure the improvement in the socio- economic situation of people living in the rural areas. The committee also suggested that community development can only be profound and lasting when it involves itself in processes like making decisions, implementation and planning. The suggestions made by the Mehta committee have been given below:-
That local bodies should be elected timely organization further essential resources, command and authority must be decentralized for them.
That block or samiti level was basic division of democratic decentralisation since the area of jurisdiction of the local body should not be too large or too small. The block was large enough for efficiency and economy of administration, and small enough for sustaining a sense of involvement in the citizens.
That Government agencies and administration should provide some freedom and must not have strict control over these bodies.
That the tenure of these bodies must be for five years and they must be elected through the process of indirect elections that should be conducted in panchayats of villages.
That covering various aspects of agricultural development, promotion of industries that are being developed locally etc should be its main function.
That the necessary services like providing facilities such as water that could be drink, constructing roads, etc., should be kept under it and
That the „Bodies‟ which are at higher level viz. Zilla Parishads, can play a key role in providing advice as important advisory bodies.
The structure of Panchayati Raj Institution was not able to develop such democratic momentum that was required.
Further, it also failed in fulfilling the needs that were required by these
4 panchayati raj institutions in the development of rural areas. Number of reasons were responsible for such outcomes that consists opposition faced by these democratic and bureaucratic agencies at the level of state for power sharing and sharing of resources with those institutions that are at local level, major facilities such as various welfare schemes are under the control and domination of elites and dominant class elites, there is presence of less democratic will and capability locally .
2.2 K. Santhanam Committee (1963) The Decentralization of the monetary matters in the panchayati raj institutions was the main concern over a long period of time.
In 1963, to look over the financial matters related to the Pancahayti Raj Institutions, K. Santhanam Committee was constituted by the Government of India. This institution had limited financial capacity. People those who are superior in hierarchy in administrative setups drain these revenue resources. The government asked the Committee to find out the ways and means associated with the sanction of grants to PRIs by the government at state level. It further asked the committee developing common monetary relations within these three tiers of Panchayati Raj Institutions, contributions and gift, giving complete or partial finances to PRIs. Following recommendations were made by the:
Special powers should be present with the panchayats to collect taxes on land revenues and taxes on home, etc.,
Too many taxes should not be imposed on people so that they could feel burden on them,
The grants and subventions at the level of state should be mobilised and channelled to PRIs in a consolidation way.
There should be formation and setting up of a „Panchayati Raj Finance Corporation‟ at each level for looking into monetary resources of PRIs, disbursement of loans and monetary support granted to these governments that are at grassroot levels and also to offer non-financial support in these rural areas.
Debates over these issues have been a common feature in the past few
decades. These issues have been addressed by the State Finances Commissions that require not only to select taxes for assignment and sharing but also to identify the principles for such sharing and assignment. In addition to this it is equally necessary to determine the level of grants and recommend the final distribution of state‟s transfers to local authorities.
2.3 Ashok Mehta Committee (1978) In 1977 when Janta Party came in rule at centre, a serious concern was made towards the day by day downfall in the Panchayati Raj functions. In order to solve the problems a decision was taken to appoint a committee that consisted of members from higher level. This committee was formed under the chairmanship of Ashok Mehta with a motive to examine and provide suggestive measures so that these Panchayati Raj Institutions could gain strength. This Committee was given the responsibility for evolving a decentralised system of development for PRIs so that it could work efficiently and effectively.
Following recommendations were made by this committee are dealt in brief in the following lines:-
Planning, coordination and allocation of resources are possible and technical expertise was available for district as it is a viable administrative unit,
There is presence of two-tire system in the Panchayati Raj Institutions, Manda Panchayat constitute the base and Zilla Parishads was kept at the top of this hierarchy,
PRIs could plan for themselves as they are capable enough with the presence of various resources is within their reach,
Rural-Urban continuum should be properly covered during district planning,
SCs and STs should be given their representation in the Panchayati Raj Institutiton‟s elections based on their population,
PRIs should be given a tenure of four years
in elections, political parties should participate,
The monetary devolution should be such so as to accept that panchayat
5 have a significant role in the developmental processes of the districts.
New legislation based on this report has been passed by some states like Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and W.
Bengal. Unfortunately, the mal functioning of the political system at the state level create hindrance for these institutions in developing their own political dynamics.
2.4 V. K. Rao Committee (1985)
G. V. K. Rao Committee was appointed once again to look at different aspects of PRIs. This Committee was also of the opinion that a rural developmental process must be taken in a holistic way in which PRIs must play a pivotal role in handling the issues related with the common man. The recommendations of the committee are given below.
There is a need to activate the PRIs and they should be provided with all needed support so that they could become an effective organisations.
Panchayati Raj Institutions at various levels such as at district or lower level must participate in planning, execution and monitoring of various development programmes in rural areas.
In the process of rural development, block development office should play the pivotal role.
2.5 L.M., Singhvi Committee (1986) Another important committee which was formed under the chairmanship of L. M.
Singhvi focused its work on panchayati raj. Base of the democratic decentralization was „Gram Sabha‟.
Further, institution of Panchayati Raj was seen as self-governed institutions to assist the people‟s significant participation in planning and developmental process. The recommendations made by the committee are as follows:
There is a need to provide constitutional recognition to Local self-government. Further, these local self -government should be provided constitutional protection and preservation by including new part in Indian Constitution,
There is a need that in the elections of Panchayats, political parties should not be involved.
It was Sarkaria Commission which opposed the suggestions of giving constitutional status to panchayats. In the later part of 1980‟s the idea, gained momentum. In 1989, the then Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi, introduced the 64th Constitutional Amendment Bill in the lower house of Parliament. It is unfortunate that the bill in the Rajya Sabha got defeated when introduced declaring it as non-convincing. Later, Rajiv Gandhi also got defeated in general election. The 74thConstitutitonal Amendment Bill was introduced by National Front in the year 1989. It is unfortunate that this bill could not become an Act as the 9th Lok Sabha soon got dissolved. The following recommendation and suggestions that were made for providing strength to Panchayati Raj Institutions were considered when the new Constitutional Amendment Act was later formed.
3 METHODOLOGY
Women in India since long have been divided and stratified on the basis of their caste, class, rural, urban, educational, occupational and linguistic groups;
marginalisation is the common thread of uniformity among them. Participation in decision-making is where the women worldwide are discriminated worst. In the year 1893 New Zealand became the first nation to grant the voting rights to its female citizens. It is very important to note that only twenty-four women got elected to the post heads of their states or government in 20th century. Another important point is that women holds just 22.8 % of the entire parliamentarians of the country were women (as of June 2016), this clearly indicates that there is slow increment from 11.3% in the year1995.As per the data of January 2017, there were 10 women who were serving as head of the nation and 9 are serving as Head of Government. The
highest number of women
parliamentarian was found to be present in Rwanda when compared to the other nations around the world. In Rwanda on 63.8% of the seats of Parliament‟s lower house women got elected as they won the elections on these seats. Around the World 38 States were found to be present in which women account for less than 10
% of parliamentarians in single or lower houses, as per the data of June 2016,
6 that includes four chambers having not a single female at all.There is presence oflarge disparity that remains in the average percentages of women parliamentarians in every area. As of June 2017 these were (single, lower and upper houses combined): Nordic nations, 41.7%; Americas, 28.1%; Europe including Nordic nations, 26.5%; Europe excluding Nordic nations 25.3%; sub- Saharan Africa, 23.6%; Asia 19.4% ; Arab States,17.4%; and Pacific 17.4%. As of January 2017, just 18.3 % of ministers of government were women; most common held portfolio by female ministers is environment, resources that are available naturally, energy, followed by social sectors, viz; affairs related to society education and family. Global proportion of females who get elected in local government is at present not known, comprise major knowledge gap.
“Measures taken and progress achieved in the promotion of women and political participation”. Representation of Women in local governments can lead to difference. The research that were conducted in panchayats (local councils) in our nation discovered that various drinking water projects in areas with councils that were led by women was 62
% were more than in those councils that were led by males. In the nation such as Norway, direct causal relationship was found between the presence of females in municipal councils and childcare coverage.
4 INCREASING PARTICIPATION: A PROFILE
As per the data presented in the month of June 2017, just 2 nations have 50 % or more females in the single of lower houses of their parliament such as, Rwanda with 61.3 % and Bolivia 53.1%; but there were many nations those who have achieved 30
% or more than that . In the month of June 2017, 46 single or lower houses consist of of 30 % or more than 30% of females, this include 19 European nations, 13 nations were present in Sub- Saharan Africa, 11 nations were present in Latin American countries were there those who have applied getting some type of reservation or quotas–either reservation on the seats or quota for legislative candidate-opening space for democratic participation of women in parliaments of countries.(Ref: UN Women calculation
based on IDEA, Stockholm University and IPU, Global Data Base of Quotas on Women.) The balance of Gender in the political participation and in the process of decision-making is the goal that has been accepted internationally in the
„Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.
There is presence of ample evidence that shows leadership of women in democratic decision-making processes improves them. The democratic leadership demonstrated by these females is when they contribute and perform various tasks in their parties at various levels through parliamentary women‟s caucuses- even the surrounding that is most politically antagonist in nature -and by attaining victory over the matters related to the matters of equality based on gender, viz., by ending violence based on gender, granting leave for performing duties of childcare and performing duties of being parents such as parental leave, pensions, laws based on equality of gender and bringing reforms in the electoral process.
Contemporary Indian rural society which has already entered in new millennium a decade ago is subject to various changes that are taking place.
The dream of Gandhi to bring „Swaraj‟ in terms of well-being of nation, democracy at grass root level and making the living standard of people living in rural areas of India by empowering them could occur by mandatory introducing the system of panchayati raj in the Indian states under 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act.
Inspiration for introducing reservation for females of 33% in panchayati raj was the idea of the then prime minister of India
„Rajiv Gandhi‟. While he was delivering an inaugural address to on 22 September, 1986 to the 13th All India Panchayati Parishad Rajiv Gandhi said: “We cannot do from above what can be done with speed and vigour at the grassroots level.
Thus, if we want to see India strong and united, the work of the panchayat is of paramount importance. Without it, the country cannot make progress”. After a long-lasting deliberation, taking first step, government made the provision in Panchayat and Nagarpalika Bill of 1992 to make reservation was made for women over 33% of candidature and constituencies in local bodies- panchayats, municipalities and
7 corporations. 73rd Amendment of Constitution and including the provisions under Article 243 are looked upon as turning point in the history of state initiative on making rural women democratically empowered. It had pointed out towards paradigm shift in approach towards the cause of women. Earlier, women were generally considered as an entity of development only. However, this amendment made these women as developmental issue and an essential part of decision-making process. Amendment also provided for reserving one-third of total number of seats in offices for chairman in panchayats at the entire levels for women this include women belonging to the marginalized sections of our society such as scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Formal participation of females in democracy has considerably increased as the seats were reserved for them.
Madhu Kiswar (1999) in her work
“Of The Beaten Track: Rethinking Gender Justice For Indian Women” has analysed various problems of women. Her book which comprises 18 essays that appeared for the first time in Manushi. It was the time when the second phase of women‟s movement in India was going on.
The essays which have been added in this book are, for majority of part, logical, thought-provoking and presented powerful argument and compromise the vision of Kishwar and revisions gained over twenty years of activism and observation.
Consciously diverting from the two major expressions of “victimisation” and
“empowerment” i.e., staple of much feminist outpouring, Kishwar offers inspirational views on number of issues- and some hackneyed ones on others.
Her work starts with her views on dowry system which was controversial in nature: from a harsh and anti-dowry position in her initial years Kishwar later argued that raising the voice for abolishing dowry were meaningless when no inheritance right was given to women.
Kishwar further says that “dowry is a symbol and not the reason behind the low status of women and she also says that providing inheritance rights to women in parental property are more important when compared to the demands for co-ownership in marital house are convincingly argued.
The present essays are peppered with Kishwar‟s scathing criticism of misguided (or motivated) activism. As an example Kishwar remarks, “We live in an era wherein we who speak on behalf of deprived and subjugated can fabricate a carrier in politics out of it, can fight the elections and win them, hold the important powerful positions... become famous person. In a situation like this, activists time and again tend to mistake their personal celebrity status with success of cause.”
„And Who Will Make the Chapatis? A Study of All Women Panchayats In Maharastra‟ edited book by BishakhaDatta (1998) in which she documents and analyse it critically experiences of twelve all-women panchayats who came in ruling positions in the state of Maharastra, India before 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992 came in existence. Mainly a qualitative work, it views at women belonging to lowest strata of Panchayati Raj. With the help of research based on interview method, her work comprises of field reports by Meenakshi Shedde, Sonali Sathaye, Sharmila Joshi and Bishakha Datta. In her work she presented her personal experience that she has with system of local government and female councillors-which for now seems to have been put on hold.
In words of Bishakha Datta
“Panchayati Raj- formal system of local self-government in our nation i.e., India- came into existence after India attained its Independence and number of states set up and introduced Panchayati Raj bodies at rural areas and at the level of district in late 1950‟s.Datta in her work provides details about the rural women‟s struggle of Indian for creating political space for themselves and present their concerns, their needs and the priorities that they have on agenda related to Indian Politics. It is to be noted that although the women represent 50% of population in the world, they are merely 3-5% of the cabinet ministers at global level. Elections that were conducted in the past years, the politics in India remained a male-dominant sphere with just 3 women contesting the elections for every hundred male contestants-this clearly shows that, women at that time remained under-represented at every strata of democracy. In spite of recommendations
8 that were made by the Committee on the Women‟s Status in India and Declaration of World Conference on Women in Nairobi, it is only in this decade that women in politics emerged as an important issue. In the year 1988, a parliamentary subcommittee made the recommendation that Panchayati Raj institutions be provided with constitutional recognition. This paved the way for 73rd Amendment that not only provided these institutions with constitutional status, but also ensured 33% of the seats should be reserved for women at every level. Further in her work she tells that –Contributors have briefly discussed versatile issues confronted, that range from panchayat formation to the programmes that were taken up by them, participation patterns and impact in terms of empowerment. It emphasized the fact that whatever may be the pattern of panchayats formation, one point is clear that these panchayats were not possible to be formed without the support of these male elders or leaders.
4.1 Locale of Study:
The area of study is Varanasi. Its ancient name is Kashi. Although both the words i.e. Kashi and Varanasi have been used since long period of time for describing same place but from historical sources it is depicted that kashi remained as a state i.e., state known for its political power and Varanasi was capital of this state. In Atharva Veda the term „Kashi‟ was not used for state, but was used for large area.
Historically term Kashi was used for dynasty i.e., it was used to depict political unit i.e. for janapada. The term Varanasi was used to point out this city only. Both these terms have been used to depict different units- „Kashi‟ for political unit and term „Varanasi‟ was used for religious area or for religious unit. As described in Mahabharata the term
„Varanasi‟ was used to mark the area between „Varuna‟ and „Assi‟. In Patanjali‟s Mahakavya its mention that in second century B.C. this city was situated at the banks of river ganges. The remains that have been found at Rajghat excavation site provide some level of authenticity for its existence. Historically various other names have been used for Varanasi for example, Ambhimukta, Andra Guha etc.
In Jatak Katha it has been mentioned
that Varanasi extended in covered huge area of 69 miles. Sharing has supported above statement in his work.
Archaeological sources found from Rajghat excavation show that from the time period of 300 B.C. to 700 B.C.
Varanasi consisted of small and large residential houses, there was presence of various narrow lanes present in these residential areas , it also mentions presence of various famous temples.
Havel in his historical work also mentions about that similar urban residential area is present in Spain and Southern Italy.
Above mentioned statements clearly show that there was presence of two different areas Kashi and Varanasi with well defined border.
Varanasi has remained an important centre of education since ancient period. Known for providing education and knowledge in subjects like Philosophy, Arts, Literature, Astrology, Mining, Metallurgy and Medicine, Varanasi has remained one of the most ancient cities of India. This city is situated in 24.26 to 25.35 degree Northern Latitude to 81.14 to 83.34 degree Eastern Longitude. Total area of Uttar Pradesh is 2, 94, 411 square kilometres and area of Varanasi is 4036 square kilometre. As per 2011 population census total population of Varanasi was 3,682,194 among which there were 1,928,641 were male and 1,753,553 were female respectively.
Density of population in Varanasi is 2,399 per sq.km, Total literacy rate is 77.05%
among which literacy rate percentage of male and female is 85.12% and 69.20%
respectively. Total rural population of Varanasi is 2,082,934 among which there are 1,081,296 are male and1, 001, 641 are females respectively.
There are eight blocks under Varanasi district. For present research study all fifty-four gram panchayats of kashividyapeeth block namely Kesharipur, Susuwahi, Amarkherachak, Misirpur, Kandwa, Seergovardhan, Karsana, Tikri, Shivdaspur, All-ud- dinpur, Sarahi, Lohata, Khulaspur etc.
have been selected.
Vidyapeeth development block of Varanasi district is area of study for my research whose total geographical area is 143.40 sq.km, it has 121 villages in which there are 119 densely populated and 2 are comparatively less populated. Total population of this block is 257616 among
9 which there are 137029 are males and 120587 are females. Decade growth of Vidyapeeth is 39.30% and its density is 1796. Total literacy rate of this development block is 63.45% among which male literacy percentage is 76.44%
and percentage of female literacy is 48.46%. From occupational point of view Kashi Vidyapeeth Block there are total 36450 number of families who have different occupation which is their main source of income among them there are 10999 people belong to agricultural background, 2776 number of people are agricultural labours, 14420 are domestic workers, 36174 number of people do different works to earn, 64369 number of people work in main stream, 19871 number of people are marginal workers and 84240 is the total number of workers who work in different fields. There are 2 ayurvedic hospitals and dispensaries, 1 homiopethic hospital, 2 family and women & child welfare centres and 39 family and women& child welfare sub- centres, 1 community health centre and 2 primary health centre present in Kashi Vidyapeeth Block.
Political participation of rural women increased markedly in India after passing of 73rd constitutional amendment bill by the parliament. Scores of women Sarpanches (over 100) fom different states gathered in Delhi to thank Parliament for having passed the Panchayati Raj Bill 10 years ago and demonstrated how quotas in local bodies have enabled them to come forward as active participants in decision- making structures. The demonstrations were organised by the Hunger Project and PRIA. The women Sarpanhes shared their experiences. Krishna Devi from Kaurian Village in the district Firozabad(UP) stated that being a women and a scheduled caste was a double handicap for her.
„Although I was the Sarpanch, they insist that I sit on the floor during meetings.
It was not before 1989, that the then prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi introduced a proposal for amendment to the constitution for recognising the panchayats, with quota for women. This was finally passed in December 1992 not merely for the panchayats in all its three tires, but also in the urban local bodies called municipalities. Seats were reserved for women to not less than 1/3rd of overall seats both as members as well as chairpersons. The fast increasing political
consciousness of women and their active participation in development programmes have boosted their participation in similar roles in the state assemblies and parliament. There is also a logical extension of the reservation in local bodies. As the women who have made a mark there, or who feel empowered enough to go up in the political levels can now try for the assemblies. Once women get elected or selected to various positions in political structures and committees, the women should be able to exercise the power/space given to them for:
Making themselves knowledgeable, skilled and empowered
Utilising it for the development of women, children and the society
Using their ability, for empowering other women.
There are various processes found for the empowerment of women. Number of attempts in literature has been made so that a comprehensive understanding of empowerment could be developed by breaking down the procedure into mechanism or components. Precise element tends to vary depending on course and plan of writer but here as well there is larger consent then what has been expected by us. Kabeer‟s (2001) understanding of “choice” includes 3 mechanisms that are interconnected: 1) Resources, according to him these are accountable for shaping the situation in which options are prepared; agency, which is the spirit of the procedure through which choices are made, and achievement, which are results of choices.” World Bank‟s report on
“Engendering Development” (2001a) describes rights, resources and the voice as the 3 crucial constituents of gender equality. Chen (1992) illustrates
“resources, perceptions, relationships and power,” as the most important constituent of empowerment, and Batliwala (1994) symbolizes empowerment as “to have power over capital and principles.” United Nations Children‟s Fund uses Empowerment of Women outline created by Sara Longwe, which cover wellbeing, right to use the resources, raising the level of awareness, involvement, as well as control (UNICEF1994).
Reserves and organization (in a variety of form and by different names, For Example., control, knowledge, right to be heard, supremacy), were two main
10 common constituents of empowerment highlighted in literature reviewed. In numerous debates, however, reserves are not considered as empowerment per se, but as means for empowerment or circumstances under which empowerment is most likely to take place.
In the perspective of policy and assessment, perhaps it is more helpful to consider resources as “facilitating factor”;
i.e., potentially significant inputs to promote the process of empowerment, rather than as component of empowerment itself. In fact, several variables that have been customarily used as “substitute” for empowerment, viz.
education and employment, may be better illustrated as “enabling features” or
“empowerment source” (Kishore 2000a).
Reconsidering of measurement issue and empirical evidence of ours demonstrates below, although numerous works that are empirical in nature have used variables for instance education and employment as alternative for empowerment. There is increase in understanding that the equation is difficult.
Second constituent, agency is at the spirit of numerous conceptualization of empowerment. Human agency is an essential notion in Amartya Sen‟s (1999) portrayal of development as course of eradicating different sorts of “unfreedoms”
that limit personal choice and agency.
Kabeer‟s (2001) article on empowerment of women illustrate Sen‟s perceptive of agency and his conceptualization of relationships among individual agency with community action. Amongst number of concepts and expressions we came across in the work and studies on empowerment, “agency” almost certainly appears closest to capturing what bulk of authors are referring to. It includes the capability to create strategic choices, and to manage resources and choices that affect essential outcomes of one‟s life.
Few features of empowerment comprise an additional constituent, which has been referred by Kabeer as
“achievements” and “welfare” by Longwe.
In the processes of international policy, empowerment of women is completely equated with definite (usually at the level of country) success viz. Democratic participation, legal transformation, and financial security. In the perspective of evaluation, it could be argued that achievements are best taken care of as
results of empowerment and not as empowerment by itself (just as resources possibly more conveniently interpreted as facilitating features or medium for empowerment). Granted, a question could be aroused whether agency actually amounts to empowerment, if there isn‟t consequential outcome in terms of status of women, planned arrangement for these women or women‟s welfare. There will be always be an empirical question that could be aroused time and again that whether there is some indicator of empowerment or type of organization (for instance applying rule over choices or reserves) actually amount to empowerment in an accurate perspective will forever be a practical problem. As it has been noted somewhere else, it might be quite probable to recognize the indicators of empowerment that can be useful in a broad range of perspectives, but will at all times there will be conditions in which particular sign doesn‟t mean empowerment. Later, it will be discussed this doesn‟t signify that developing the indicators of empowerment is a useless assignment, only that the difficulty of evaluating empowerment must be considered in initial theoretical frames and designing of research.
In recognizing agency as soul of empowerment of women, it‟s not being suggested by us that the entire improvements in the position of women must be brought about all the way through the actions that have been taken by women themselves or that empowering themselves is duty of individual female.
Sufficient amount of excuse for administration and multilaterals for promoting plans through which the gender equality could be provided strength through a variety of way, which include permissible and democratic reform, and intrusion to provide females (and other groups that have been excluded socially) better right to use resources (e.g. World Bank 2001a).
Institutions which are present within nation and at international level have duty for to make it sure that disadvantaged residents socially, financially, and democratically be included. The issue is whether it‟s practical to portray the entire steps taken toward that conclusion as
“empowerment”, and it would be suggested by us that it‟s not. Chief basis
11 for highlighting on agency as essential norm is due to numerous examples in literature of cases in which providing access to women over assets doesn‟t lead to their control over these resources at large, where transformation in legal rulings have slight influence on practice, and where it is not necessary that women leaders work for promoting the welfare of women. Thus while assets such as financial, societal and democratic--are frequently decisive in making it sure that females are empowered, they aren‟t at all times sufficient. It is not possible for resources that are available alone to bring empowerment of females if they don‟t have capability for recognizing and making the best use of the resources available for their own welfare at large.
As it has been argued that “agency”
ought to be treated as a soul of empowerment, with this the assets and success as facilitating circumstances and products, respectively, another caution is essential. While dissimilarity for instance those among “resources, agency and achievements” (Kabeer 2001) or “sources versus evidence” of empowerment appears quite clearly at conceptual level, it isn‟t easy at all time to separate them completely in developing indicators of empowerment. Certain variable may function as a pointer of female‟s access to possessions (or an enabling aspect) in single situation, agency of women in another, and could represent a success in still other situations. Examples, the programmes of microcredit and opportunities of providing jobs are frequently viewed as resources for empowerment of women. But if a female look for gaining a key to microcredit, or to get an employment, then getting an employment or joining credit program might be best categorized as a manifestation of agency of women, and advantages that are being drawn by her as an outcome are earnings, unrestricted expenditure, healthcare, etc. as an accomplishments. In a few analyses that have been talked about in Section III, below, financial contribution of female‟s is treated as a permitting basis and is used to calculate other results such as control over essential choice and even the results of choices for example the size of a family or using contraceptive. But in other situation the financial contributions made by females would be more precisely
illustrated as a type of agency or, yet again even a success. In a similar way, resources owned could work as foundations of empowerment (e.g.Kishor 2000a) but they could also comprise indication that the empowerment had been achieved. Meaning of any empowerment indicator will always rely on its inter-relationships with other variables.
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