Myanmar is home to various large and small ethnic groups.”4 The country has been plagued by ethno-religious tensions and armed conflicts since independence. One of them is the simmering tension between 5Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State in the western part of the country.6. Rohingyas who arrived or returned after the cut-off date cannot obtain refugee status and are not allowed in the camps.16 Thus, Bangladesh has closed its doors to the world's "least wanted"17 people, saying they are not Bangladeshis.
In Delhi they live in the slums of Kalindi Kunj, Khajuri, Nizamuddin and in neighboring Noida. Rohingya refugees had been detained and sent to jails in the state for the past six months. But the West Bengal government has no clear idea about the actual number of undocumented immigrants who have entered the state in the last few years." 25.
A meeting with RCFI is also held regarding their awareness and services for Rohingya people in the correctional homes. Arakan State lies directly in the path of the southwest monsoon and is covered in evergreen forests due to the significant amount of rainfall it receives. But secretly some of them like to keep in touch with their relatives who are in the other country.
Although 2012 and some other years have been marked for extreme human rights abuses and mass exodus, violence against Rohingyas in the state has continued over the years.
INDIA
T convicted Jaan Khalash
5 Men and 5 Women are introducing themselves as Bangladeshi, but they have been identified as people from Myanmar according to the Court's decision. After crossing the border, when some Bangladeshis of Cox's Bazar are arrested, they say they are Rohingya. But finally the Court treats them as residents of Myanmar and they are placed in CH (Correction Homes) as "Jaan Khalash" currently.
After crossing the border, they are arrested as Rohingya, along with their Rohingya husbands and according to the law. The main problem with these people is that they are not Bangladeshi and therefore cannot be deported to Bangladesh. They have printed notepads under the name of some vague organizations pretending to work for the good of these foreigners.
Although the RCFI has provided some help to the Rohingyas in Delhi, they are completely unaware of the problem of Rohingyas who are in the correctional facilities of West Bengal. This is the reaction of the Rohingya when asked if they want to return to Burma. They have no plans to move to another country from here. Somehow they are sure they can live.
International pressure could play a role in changing that situation… The real solution for most Rohingya is to strive for them to go home. I would like to point out that we need to look at the generation of those who hold temporary citizenship cards... citizenship [through] normal procedures, rather than a specific project .39. They are detained under Section 14 of the Aliens Act (1946) for illegal entry into the country.
Either they do not understand the process or they are advised not to share these issues. They wait days, months and years impatiently to have a life of freedom. Kruthika N.S., 2014, "The Rohingya Scenario: Bangladesh and India's Role in Myanmar's Hidden Tragedy", Watch Refugees Online.
The Stateless People – Rohingyas in Hyderabad, India
There are various stories revolving around the origin of the Rohingya and their original place of residence. Delhi, the capital of the country and the headquarters of the UNHCR office, is of course the place they are drawn to. Most organizations working for the welfare of the Rohingya ethnic community state that the general perception among the Rohingya is that their cries are heard but not adequately answered.
It confirmed the suspicions of India's intelligence agency that terrorist groups such as Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Al-Qaeda have unfortunately managed to infiltrate their men into the Rohingya refugee camps in India. Language is another barrier for society in India, especially in Hyderabad, where Rohingyas face a major language problem as they are not aware of the local language. The feeling of alienation continues in them as they do not feel part of the larger community.
The conditions in which the Rohingya live in the camps are pathetic as in these camps most of the time they have no water to drink and no cleanliness at all. Although in the Balapur camp, the Rohingya claimed that they had faced water problems in the past, but thanks to the efforts of the Salamah Centre, a well has been established to address the issue. 34; Sanitation and health issues are of concern, especially in makeshift settlements, including maternal and child health," said an agency spokesperson.
It is therefore very clear that education can make a crucial difference in improving the conditions of the Rohingyas. I had the opportunity to interact with the Rohingya children studying there, my first impression of the children was that they were so different from the children in the camp, they were well spoken and more polished. This behavior of the doctors towards the Rohingya refugees is a matter of deep concern for them. 25.
Ethnic violence has become a daily part of life for the people living in Myanmar. The intolerance of the majority communities towards the Rohingya has led to a sense of fear in the minority group. One of the main reasons why the Myanmar government does not recognize the Rohingya community is the fear of the other ethnic communities in Myanmar who are and may be in conflict with them in the future.
Thus, the Rohingya live in fear that the government will eventually propagate human genocide against them and thus erase their existence in the near future. When it comes to the Rohingya and the kinds of atrocities they live in, one has to question the political readiness of the Myanmar government and also the other countries involved.
Stateless and Suspect
Rohingyas in Myanmar, Bangladesh and India
In the following sections, I argue that the history of this region, along with the post-9/11 securitization regime and the growing prevalence of terrorism discourse and the concomitant rise of Islamophobia, have combined to render the situation of the Rohingya precarious in ways that are difficult to repair. The statelessness of the Rohingya came about with the introduction of the Citizenship Act in 1982 in Myanmar. In a 2013 article, Penny Green also mentions Australian National University research that dated the stone monuments of the Rohingya community in Arakan to the 8th century.
Arakan was an independent kingdom until 1784 (Balazo, 2015) when it was conquered by Buddhist Burmans and most of the population fled to nearby Chittagong. With the establishment of British rule, many of the Muslims who had fled Arakan to take refuge in neighboring Chittagong came back - actively encouraged by the British to cultivate the land. The beginning of the Rakhine-Rohingya conflict can be traced back to the colonial past to the period of the Second World War.
The Rakhines were one of the few minorities to support the Burma-led Independence Army of Burma, which sided with the Japanese against the British, while the Rohingya remained loyal to the British (Gill, 2014). It is interesting to note that in the newly independent state of Myanmar, in 1948, the Rohingya were recognized as citizens of the country under Prime Minister U Nu (Balazo, 2015) and the constitution guaranteed them full rights (Green, 2013). Most Rohingyas were repatriated in 1979 through a treaty between the two countries and Chris Lewa (2009) argues that the Citizenship Act of 1982 was a direct consequence of this to discourage the Rohingya population that had returned.
Buddhism was made the state religion in 1960, and since the beginning of military rule in 1962, Muslims have been associated with the colonial past and the country's exploitation at the hands of 'foreigners'. Rakhines, an ethnic minority themselves, have now been absorbed into the narrative of the Buddhist and Burmese nation-state and mobilized against the Rohingya. The narrative of Muslim 'others' out to destroy the Buddhist land has meant that mobility, reproduction and marriage for the Rohingya, and indeed all aspects of their lives, have been regulated by the state.
It is as if in the attempt to define the legitimacy of the rightful citizen, the 'Others' must be physically and territorially separated. However, there does not seem to be a will to improve the conditions of the Rohingya in any way on the part of the Bangladesh government. During the three-hour interview, the girls begin to open up to me, teach me words in the Rohingya language, and then sing me songs.
After reciting a verse from the Koran - the meaning of which they could not remember - one of the girls asked me if I was Muslim. The crisis of the Rohingya as a Muslim minority in Myanmar and bilateral relations with Bangladesh.
CRG Publications
