The existing G2016 is the result of political agreements between the leaders of the United States and the European Union. 14 Robert Zoellick, Fragile States: Securing Development: Address on 12 September 2008 at the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) plenary session held in Geneva, Switzerland.
Asia and the Pacific and Europe: Japan and Germany
They fostered economic institutions—the GATT itself, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund—that brought unprecedented prosperity to the nations of the free world in the decades after World War II. In Japan, there is a view that it was Zoellick who redefined the strategic importance of Asia and the Pacific for American foreign policy against the background of the "Asia retreat" on the eve of the Vietnam War, and that he improved the status of the region in that. of the Atlantic. Sutherland, and Hisashi Owada, 21st Century Strategies of Tripartite Countries: In Concert or Conflict.
Narrating the Two Plus Four process allows readers to recognize not only Zoellick's extraordinary contributions, but also his special commitments that seem to stem from his background, especially his association with the German Marshall Fund during the Clinton administration. In the article "America in Asia", he also discussed the sensitive issue of the process of reconciliation and eventual reunification on the Korean peninsula. Moreover, there is a memorable historical episode that deserves mention that shows Zoellick's deep understanding of Asia's economic problems and political sensibilities in the example of the Asian economic crisis that occurred in 1997-1998.
As for my opinion and impressions, I am sorry that I did not necessarily fully understand at first the real importance of the fact connected with Zoellick. Things did not progress according to the scenario he formulated to play out a redefined US-Japan strategic relationship, which is the cornerstone of the new American engagement in East Asia. In contrast to the substantive first half of the Declaration, the second half was indeed filled with a lot of "garbage" that the US.
A Responsible Stakeholder: China
The visit to Japan that Zoellick decided to make in December 2009, less than a month after the dispatch of a powerful World Bank delegation led by a director and five vice presidents, shows his interest in the historical implications of the recent change of government in Japan. The baseless accusations that Zoellick is a “pro-China” operative are not limited to Japan, but are also being made in the United States, especially among Republican conservatives. Chinese bastard.” However, as a friend of Zoellick, I am encouraged to see him stay the course by consistently suggesting that “China builds on its success to become a .
Imagine the wide range of global challenges we face in the coming years – terrorism and extremists exploiting Islam, the proliferation of weapons destruction, poverty, disease – and ask whether it would be easier or harder to tackle those problems to be tackled like the United States. 68 Robert Zoellick, Where China: From Membership to Responsibility?: Remarks delivered September 21, 2001 before the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations in New York City. In his keynote address entitled From Shanghai Communique to Global Stakeholders,72 delivered in Shanghai in March 2007 to commemorate the thirty-fifth anniversary of the normalization of US-China relations, Zoellick also took the consistent and steadfast position of urging China to grapple with four issues. international problems.
In his engagement with China policy, first mentioned in the article "America in Asia", Zoellick proclaims: "Our ideals and values must be an essential part of our engagement with China."73 This diplomatic position was reaffirmed in.
After the Crisis?: the United States
The question is primarily which public institutions should be given the power to regulate banking practices and issue rules to meet the expectations of public opinion in the wake of the collapse of banking institutions following the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers. Congress was surprised to learn of the scope of the Federal Reserve's authority to create funds, purchase assets, devise global swap lines, and conduct transactions outside the usual process for issuing government funds. The above statements are the essence of the message to Congress from Zoellick, who aspired to become Secretary of the Treasury during the second half of George W.'s presidency.
Drawing on a traditional stream of moderate internationalism, Zoellick challenged his Democratic opponent about the policy failures committed during the eight years of the Clinton administration. In his criticism of the Democrats, he focused not on ideological differences, as his Republican peers the neoconservatives would, but rather on the failed methods employed by the Democrats, and he sought a new national agenda acceptable on a bipartisan basis. As conflicts between the moderates and neoconservatives rose to the surface at the time of the second Gulf War, Zoellick, who had assisted James Baker in his diplomatic efforts to lobby international support in the first Gulf War, stayed out of the fray in his role as a trade negotiator. or to put it bluntly, seemed to keep a political distance from the neo-cons.
In November 2009, Senator John Kerry, the 2004 Democratic presidential nominee and now chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, visited the headquarters of the World Bank Group at the invitation of its president.
The Birth of a New Multilateralism: The G20
Based on the basic understanding that “unlike every economic crisis of the past sixty years, this is a new global crisis,”80 he analyzed the nature of the G20 meeting in more detail. If developing countries want to be part of the solution, they need a seat at the table. Zoellick adopts a “differentiated business model” for the so-called middle-income countries, such as China and Brazil, as one of the “six strategic themes” for his presidential agenda, which will be discussed in the next chapter.
He believes that other developing countries should be given the same opportunity as China to compete for "stakeholder" status. In his opening remarks at the October 2009 World Bank Group Board of Governors meeting, Zoellick reiterated his belief that "if developing countries are going to be part of the solution, they must have a seat at the table,"87 this was taken as a sign of his strong determination. 88 Okonjo-Iwaela made this point in her keynote address at a symposium held at the University of Tokyo on 3 November 2009. 89 Robert Zoellick, The World Bank Group Beyond the Crisis: Remarks at the World Bank Group Governors' Meeting in Istanbul, Turkey on 6 October 2009.
In short, it may be fair to say that it is still too early to draw any conclusions about the future of the G-20.
Challenges of the World Banker
Because of these experiences, I recognize that Japan still lacks a sense and understanding of how multilateralism works, which is widespread among other influential members of the international community. Regardless of my misgivings, Zoellick successfully redefined the World Bank Group's New Policy Orientation in his centenary speech with the highly symbolic title of Inclusive and Sustainable Globalization and the subtitle of Overcoming Poverty, Enhancing Growth Through Environmental Care, and Creating Individual Opportunity and Hope by reinterpreting "low politics" issues within the context of "high politics". the development of the security paradigm, which also affects the new architecture of global governance. He declares: "The vision of the World Bank Group is to contribute to an inclusive and sustainable globalization - to overcome poverty, increase growth by caring for the environment, and create opportunity and hope for the individual."96 Zoellick also designs a set of political programs. which adapt to the "inclusive" and "sustainable" remedies of globalization.
There is a challenge of statecraft in such times: to recognize the changing landscape, often as events and fortunes rush in, to address urgent needs while planting seeds that can become the supporting timber of the future. In fact, he was appointed to the special mission to solve the Darfur problem - apparently because of then-Senator Barack Obama, who showed great interest in the problem - and often visited Sudan to mediate peace talks. Although anyone in his position might naturally have an interest in African problems, Zoellick is the right person with the capacity and the will to deal with them earnestly, and is therefore one of the few people in the developed world qualified to this work.
The author has a feeling that the success of the conference provided a good turning point in evaluating Zoellik's cooperative attitude towards Japan.
The Potential of Multilateralism in Japan
Now it is noted that the fourth conference (TICAD-IV), held in Yokohama in 2008, managed to reverse that shame thanks to the substantial commitments of the World Bank to help draw up an action plan for the first time. Now that China has also launched a similar diplomatic initiative and entered into an international competition with Japan for development assistance in Africa, Zoellick's political decision to attend the TICAD-IV conference should be highly appreciated. The world will be deeply interested in the form of a Japanese foreign policy that can be relied upon on all sides and that can take on new responsibilities.
Development opportunities in Africa, Latin America, Central Asia and the Middle East would also enable Japan to 'do good while doing good'104. It is therefore very encouraging to note that Zoellick called on the leaders of the DPJ government to make more use of international institutions such as the World Bank Group and at the same time showed his understanding of Japan's problem and the Japanese a idea of his initiative. In conclusion, the variety of multilateralist ideas that Zoellick developed during the period from his first article "America in Asia" to the recent lecture After the Crisis.
106 Nye argues that for stability and prosperity in the region, the US-Japan alliance has two positive functions: 'integrate, but hedge' against an empowering China and a nuclear North Korea.
Building Opportunity from Crisis: Making Multilateralism Real: Address at the Thompson Reuter Building, Canary Wharf, London, 31 March 2009. From Shanghai Message to Global Stakeholders, paper prepared for the Barnett-Oksenberg Lecture on China-US Relations, held March 21, 2007 and sponsored by the Shanghai American Studies Association and the National Committee on US-China Relations in Shanghai.
