Gender Equity and Equality in Technical and Vocational Education and Training, Mongolia
Ⅰ. Gender in Mongolia
Gender dynamics in Mongolia have been shaped by social-cultural norms, six decades of socialism, and the transition to a market economy that started in 1990. During the socialist period, women’s status improved. With the support of the Soviet Union, the Government of Mongolia invested in girls’ education, and a new generation of well-educated women emerged. These women could use state-funded child care and maternity leave and improved health services. They had less domestic responsibility and more equal participation in the labor force and remuneration.
However, the pace of change from a largely rural to an urban culture and the shift from a socialist system to a market economy is contributing to a national “identity crisis” for many. This has led to the embrace of historical figures, traditions, and conservative gender roles and norms. Key interviews and the most recent Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) report on Mongolia reveal that media and school textbooks are promoting gender stereotypes that replicate Mongolian ideals. In those stereotypes, women are seen as good wives and mothers, and men are breadwinners who should not participate in housework. The CEDAW report outlines concerns about
“the persistence of deep-rooted patriarchal attitudes and discriminatory stereotypes concerning the roles and responsibilities of women and men in the family, in the media and in society.” It notes that these stereotypes create a significant barrier to the realization of equality as they “perpetuate women’s subordination within the family and society which are reflected in women’s educational and professional choices, their limited participation in political and public life and their unequal participation in labor.”
Gender equality is a significant part of UNESCO’s Education Programme, which promotes the right to education for all. “As education is increasingly considered as one of the most effective investments for achieving equitable and sustainable development, realizing gender equality must become a priority in the effort to promote not only the right to education for all; it is critical to the achievement of Education for All (EFA), Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and continue to be at the core of the post- 2015 education agenda” (UNESCO, 2014). Many efforts on the part of the Mongolian government and civil society have been focused on closing the gender gap and providing equal economic opportunities for women and men. However, the root causes for this gender gap lie in strongly entrenched gender stereotypes in Mongolian society. These do not start when women enter the workforce. They are encouraged much earlier, in school. Gender stereotypes are reinforced in textbooks, as observed by the CEDAW country report (2011), and gender education has yet to be introduced to school curricula.
According to a joint survey by the Institute of Labour Studies (ILS) and the Rand Corporation, there is a noticeable gender gap in post-secondary levels: 56% of males indicate plans to study in a STEM-related field in university, compared to a significantly lower 35.1% of women (ILS, 2015).
According to the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2021, Mongolia ranks 69th out of 155 countries, and it has an index of 0.716 (see Figure 1; 0.00 = inequality and 1.00 = equality).
The Gender Gap Index (GGI) in that report measures gender-based gaps related to economic, political, education, and health criteria. As the report notes, Mongolia has been making gradual progress in all
areas since 2006 (when the index was 0.682). The score for “health and survival” has remained relatively high for the past 15 years, and there has been some progress in “economic participation” (from 0.704 to 0.769) and “political empowerment” (from 0.046 to 0.122).
In contrast to the GGI, the 2020 Gender Inequality Index (GII) from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) captures the loss of achievement in reproductive health, empowerment, and labor participation. “Mongolia with gender equality has actually dropped inside the region from 2000-2010”
(UNDP, 2013). Nonetheless, Mongolia’s GII, which was 0.401 in 2005, rose to 0.411 in 2010, but in 2020 it fell to 0.322 (UNDP, 2020).
Although Mongolia ranks relatively high in terms of general advancement, there is pronounced division of labor between men and women by sector (see Figure 2).
The social pressure created by these gender norms can also have negative repercussions for men and boys. There is a 10-year gap in life expectancy between Mongolian men and women, with men living to around 66 and women living to 76 on average. This gap is alarming, given that in most developed and under-developed countries, the average is four years.
Figure 1. Gender Gap Index of Mongolia
Figure 2. Top Occupation with Male and Female Concentrations Source. World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report 2021, p. 281.
These figures are partly related to improvements in primary healthcare as the country has developed, leading to lower maternal mortality rates and the enhancement of women’s propensity to longevity. However, a major contributing factor is men’s unhealthy lifestyles and risky behaviors, which one recent article termed “toxic masculinity.”
Mongolia scores favorably in terms of some global gender indicators, with near parity in educational enrollment for boys and girls, relatively high employment of women, and constitutional recognition of women’s rights. Concerns have been raised over a “reverse gender gap” where far more boys than girls over the age of 12 have been dropping out of school or missing classes, often so they can contribute to herding and other work to support the family income. The total number of students enrolled in technical and vocational education and training (TVET) schools in 2020 was 40,165, and the ratio was 166 boys to every 100 girls.
Rapid economic development has provided some opportunities for both women and men, but it has also exacerbated inequitable gender relations in many respects and at different levels. Mongolia’s semi-nomadic and nomadic herders account for approximately 30% of the country’s population. These rural families make a living by herding livestock, which generates cash from the sale of dairy products such as milk, yogurt, arkhi, and airag, as well as cashmere, meat, and other livestock products. An Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) study found that, apart from March and December, the average daily workload of women during the year is 11 hours, while the workload of men is 9 hours.
According to the study, female herders spent around 6 hours per day doing domestic work that included cleaning inside gers, taking care of children and the elderly, helping children with their studies, preparing firewood, collecting water, cooking, and washing.
Men are still predominant at the decision-making level in Mongolia. To effect changes in the knowledge, attitudes, and practices of both men and women, it is crucial to realize equal relations and gender equality. In 1924, women in Mongolia gained the right to run for elections and to vote. However, it has been a concern that there are not many Mongolian women in high-level decision-making, particularly in Parliament. A quota system introduced in 2011 (mandated by the Law on Promotion of Gender Equality [LPGE]) requires at least 20% of political candidates to be women. This has led to a significant increase in female members of parliament, from 4% in 2008 to 17% in 2018 (13 women MPs out of 76). However, there are currently no female aimag (regional) governors.
There are multiple reasons for the gender disparities in government, including a male-dominated political structure where connections are critical, lack of financial resources for campaigning, and a public perception among both women and men that all leadership roles, including higher-level political representation, are more suited to male capacities.
It is important that women’s political participation happen at all administrative levels. A 2013 amendment to the LPGE states that “representation of any one sex among politically appointed civil servants shall not be less than 15% on national, aimag, and the capital city levels, 20% on district, 25%
at soum and 30% at khoroo levels.” However, there is little data on the effects of this amendment on women’s representation at district and sub-district levels.
Mongolia has several policies and programs to promote gender equality, and equal rights for both
men and women are guaranteed in various national laws. Those policies are incorporated throughout government structures, and there is no separate ministry for gender issues. There are around 20 legal documentation related to gender, women, and children.
Although Mongolia has been a signatory to major international conventions on the rights of women and children (ADB; SDC; NCGE, 2010) since 1990, the level of compliance of Mongolian legislation with the international treaties Mongolia has ratified was evaluated as medium and requiring further compliance by the Expert Evaluation of Conformity of Mongolian Legislation with International Human Rights Treaties. According to the report, “it is essential that Mongolia acceded to a treaty affirming rights of vulnerable groups, however, the domestic legal framework lacks regulations for respecting dignity and vulnerability of these people, which results in complications in implementation of the international treaty” (UNDP & National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia, 2011).
Overall, there is a limited number of gender activities and events that have a direct impact on TVET students and teachers. Most of the gender-related projects and activities target school administrators and senior managers, and they affect teachers’ performance and activities. However, teachers and students are not aware of their significance.