Natural attractions, as the name implies, are associated more closely with the natural environment rather than the cultural environment. Natural site attractions can be subdivided into topography, climate, hydrology, wildlife, and vegetation. Inbound tourists are strongly influenced to visit Australia and New Zealand by natural sites such as the ocean, botanical gardens, zoos and national parks. In the case of New Zealand, ‘walking/trekking’ (also known as ‘tramping’) — the third most popular reported specific type of attraction or activity amongst inbound tourists — is largely
pursued in natural settings, as are land sightseeing and lookouts or viewing platforms, the fourth and fifth most popular activities, respectively (see table 5.1). Destinations have little scope for changing their natural assets — for example, they either possess high mountains, or they do not. A challenge, therefore, is to manipulate market image so that relatively ‘unattractive’ natural phenomena such as grasslands can be converted into lucrative tourism resources.
TOPOGRAPHY e.g. mountains, canyons, beaches, volcanoes, caves, fossil sites
CLIMATE e.g. temperature, sunshine, precipitation, sky
HYDROLOGY e.g. lakes, rivers, waterfalls, hot springs
WILDLIFE e.g. mammals, birds, insects, fish, reptiles
VEGETATION e.g. forests, wildflowers
PRE-HISTORICAL e.g. Aboriginal sites
HISTORICAL e.g. battlefields, old buildings, museums, ancient monuments, graveyards, statues, heritage districts
CONTEMPORARY CULTURE e.g. architecture, ethnic neighbourhoods, modern technology, arts,
modern heritage, food and drink ECONOMIC e.g. farms, mines, factories
RECREATIONAL e.g. integrated resorts, golf courses, ski hills, theme parks, casinos
RETAIL e.g. mega-malls, shopping districts, markets Natural
Cultural
protected areas, hiking trails
scenic highways, scenic lookouts, spas wildlife parks, botanical gardens
volcanic eruptions
tides, geyser eruptions
animal migrations (e.g.
caribou and geese) birding festivals sunsets, sunrises
autumn leaf colour and spring bloom displays
festivals, world fairs, concerts, art exhibitions
battle re-enactments, commemorations
sporting events, Olympics markets
Category Site Event
FIgURe 5.1 Generic inventory of tourist attractions
TAble 5.1 Top twenty activities by inbound tourists to New Zealand 2011–13, by percentage reporting participation in activity
Activity
Year ending Mar. 2011
Year ending Mar. 2012
Year ending Mar. 2013
Dining 88 89 91
Shopping 81 78 79
Walking/trekking 73 76 76
Land sightseeing 44 45 46
Lookouts/viewing platforms 32 33 34
(continued)
TAble 5.1 (continued) Activity
Year ending Mar. 2011
Year ending Mar. 2012
Year ending Mar. 2013
Entertainment 26 30 28
Volcanic/geothermal sites 29 27 27
Gardens 25 21 24
Boating 27 24 23
Museums/galleries 27 24 22
Heritage attractions 24 19 19
Cultural attractions 15 12 13
Swimming 9 8 12
Farms 10 10 12
Zoos/wildlife/marine parks 12 11 11
Wineries 9 9 9
Bird watching 8 7 7
Casinos 5 6 6
Dolphin watching 6 5 5
Theme & leisure parks 6 4 5
Sightseeing by air 5 4 5
Canoeing/kayaking/rafting 6 6 5
Fishing 6 5 5
Source: New Zealand Ministry of Business, Innovation & Employment 2012
topography
Topography refers to geological features in the physical landscape such as mountains, valleys, plateaus, islands, canyons, deltas, dunes, cliffs, beaches, volcanoes and caves.
Gemstones and fossils are a special type of topographical feature, locally important in Australian locations such as Coober Pedy in South Australia (opals), O’Briens Creek in Queensland (topaz) and the New England region of New South Wales. The potential for dinosaur fossils to foster a tourism industry in remote parts of Queensland has also been considered (Laws & Scott 2003).
Mountains
Mountains illustrate the subjective and changing nature of tourism resources. Long feared and despised as hazardous wastelands harbouring bandits and dangerous animals, the image of alpine environments was rehabilitated during the European Romanticist period of the early 1800s, and in a more induced way by the efforts of trans-continental railway companies in North America to increase revenue through the construction and promotion of luxury alpine resorts (Hart 1983). As a result, scenically dramatic alpine regions such as the European Alps and the North American Rockies emerged as highly desirable venues for tourist activity, and have been gradu- ally incorporated into the global pleasure periphery. With regard to markets, Beedie and Hudson (2003) describe how remoteness fostered an elitist ‘mountaineer’ form of tourism until the latter half of the twentieth century, when improved access (a pull factor) and increased discretionary time and money (push factors) led to the ‘democra- tisation’ of alpine landscapes through skiing and mass adventure tourism. Some remote areas, however, continue to fulfil the complex motivations of elite adventure tourists
(see Breakthrough tourism: Adventure tourism and rush). Lower and less dramatic mountain ranges, such as the American Appalachian Mountains, the Russian Urals and the coastal ranges of Australia, are also highly valued for tourism purposes although arguably they did not undergo the elite-to-mass transition to the same extent. Previ- ously inaccessible ranges, such as the Himalayas of Asia, the South American Andes, the Southern Alps of New Zealand and the Atlas Mountains of Africa, are now also being incorporated into the pleasure periphery.
Certain individual mountains, by merit of exceptional height, aesthetics or religious significance, possess a symbolic value as an iconic attraction that tourists readily asso- ciate with particular destinations. Uluru (formerly Ayers Rock) is the best Australian example, while other well-known examples include Mt Everest (Sagarmatha), the Matterhorn, Kilimanjaro (Tanzania) and Japan’s Mt Fuji, which is notable as an almost perfect composite volcano.
ADVeNTURe TOURISM AND RUSH
Travel motivation is a more complex construct than travel purpose, as demonstrated by the adventure travel industry. Various studies identify thrill, overcoming fear, exercising and developing specialised skills, achieving difficult goals, staying fit, and facing
danger as commonly expressed motivations for participating in adventure experiences. However, Buckley (2012) describes a ‘risk recreation paradox’ where for most participants operators provide only the semblance of risk to avoid client injury, litigation costs and negative publicity. Among skilled participants in particular, Buckley identifies ‘rush’ as a more prevalent motivation. Many who experience rush claim that it cannot be fully appreciated or accurately described by those who do not experience it, although Buckley drew upon his own emic (insider) experiences as a skilled adventure tourist to formalise the concept. He regards it essentially as something that may emerge during the successful performance of an adventure activity at the limits of one’s individual capacities.
Analytically, it is a rare, unified, intense and emotional peak experience that entails both thrill — an adrenalin-filled physiological response — and flow — being intensely absorbed both mentally and physically in the activity. Rush is both addictive and relative; that is, it can be experienced by a veteran or a novice (e.g. a first successful surfing experience), and in either case stimulates a stronger desire for a repeat
sensation, usually at a higher level of engagement. Risk and danger, according to Buckley, are unavoidable aspects of rush, but are not motivations in their own right. At the very highest levels, places that have the potential to provide peak sensations of rush, such as remote high mountains or offshore waters which generate exceptionally high waves, define a very special and elite geography of iconic destinations. However, rush is potentially accessible to less experienced participants in a greater variety of settings, and is in fact a definable concept that is invaluable for better understanding human behaviour in general and the environments that foster different behaviours.
Beaches
As with mountains, beaches were not always perceived positively as tourist attractions.
Their popularity is associated with the Industrial Revolution and particularly with the emergence of the pleasure periphery after World War II (see chapters 3 and 4). Cur- rently, beaches are perhaps the most stereotypical symbol of mass tourism and the pleasure periphery. Not all types of beaches, however, are equally favoured by tourists.
Dark-hued beaches derived from the erosion of volcanic rock are not as popular as the fine white sandy beaches created from limestone or coral, as the former generate very hot sand and the illusion of murky water while the latter produce the turquoise water effect highly valued by tourists and destination marketers. This in large part accounts for the higher level of 3S resort development in ‘coral’ Caribbean destinations such as Antigua and the Bahamas, than in ‘volcanic’ islands such as Dominica and St Vincent.
Nevertheless, many beach settings that by Australian standards would be considered far too cold and aesthetically unappealing have given rise to major coastal resort cities such as Blackpool (United Kingdom) that appeal primarily to nearby domestic markets (see chapter 3).
climate
Before the era of modern mass tourism, a change in climate was a major motiv- ation for travel. There was a search for cooler and drier weather relative to the uncomfortable summer heat and humidity of urban areas. Thus, escape to coastal resorts in the United Kingdom and the United States during the summer was and still is a quest for cooler rather than warmer temperatures. The British and Dutch established highland resorts in their Asian colonies for similar purposes, and many of these are still used for tourism purposes by the postcolonial indigenous elite and middle class. Examples include Simla and Darjeeling in India (Jutla 2000), and the Cameron Highlands of Malaysia. This impulse is also evident among the small but increasing number of Middle Eastern visitors to Australia during the torrid summer of the Arabian Peninsula.
With the emergence of the pleasure periphery, temperature and seasonal patterns were reversed as great numbers of snowbirds travelled to Florida, the Caribbean, the Mediterranean, Hawaii and other warm weather destinations to escape cold winter conditions in their home regions. These migrations are having economic and social effects on an expanding array of emerging economies, as illustrated by the growing seasonal enclaves of retired French caravan owners being formed on the Atlantic coast of Morocco (Viallon 2012). A snowbird-type migration is also apparent on a smaller scale from Australian states such as Victoria and South Australia to the coast of Queensland.
Some areas, however, can be too hot for most tourists, as reflected in the low demand for equatorial and hot desert tourism. Essentially, a subtropical range of approximately 20–30 C is considered optimal for 3S tourism, and this is a good climatic indicator of the potential for large-scale tourism development in a partic- ular beach-based destination, provided that other basic ‘pull’ criteria are also present (Boniface, Cooper & Cooper 2012). The one major exception to the cool-to-hot trend is the growing popularity of winter sports such as downhill skiing, snowboarding and snowmobiling, which involve a cool-to-cool migration or, less frequently, a warm- to-cool migration. Whatever the specific dynamic, cyclic changes in weather within both the origin and destination regions lead to significant seasonal fluctuations in tourist flows, presenting tourism managers with additional management challenges (see chapter 8).
Water
Water is a significant tourism resource only under certain conditions. For swimming, prerequisites include good water quality, a comfortable water temperature and calm and safe water conditions. Calm turquoise waters combine with warm temperatures and white-sand beaches to complete the stereotype of an idyllic 3S resort setting (figure 5.2). For surfing, however, calm waters are a liability — which accounts for the emergence of only certain parts of the Australian coast, Hawaii and California as ‘hotspots’ for surfing aficionados (Barbieri & Sotomayor 2013). Oceans and seas, where they interface subtropical beaches, are probably the most desirable and lucra- tive venue for nature-based tourism development.
Freshwater lakes are also significant for outdoor recreational activities such as boating, and for the establishment of second homes and cottages.
Extensive recreational hinterlands, dominated by lake-based cottage or second home develop- ments, are common in parts of Europe and North America. The Muskoka region of Canada is an excellent example, its development having been facilitated by the presence of several thousand highly indented glacial lakes (i.e. the destination region), its proximity to Toronto (i.e. the origin region) and the existence of connecting railways and roads (i.e. the transit region) (Svenson 2004).
Rivers and waterfalls
Waterfalls in particular hold a strong inherent aesthetic appeal for many people, and often constitute a core iconic attraction around which secondary attrac- tions, and sometimes entire resort communities, are established. Niagara Falls (on the United States–Canada border) is a prime example of a waterfall-based tourism agglomeration. Other examples include Victoria Falls (on the Zimbabwe–Zambia border) and Iguaçú Falls (on the Brazil–Paraguay border). Much smaller waterfalls are an integral part of the tourism product in the hinterland of Australia’s Gold Coast (Hudson 2004).
An important management dimension of freshwater-based tourism is competing demand from politically and economically powerful sectors such as agriculture (irrigation), manufacturing (as a water source and an outlet for effluents) and transportation (bulk transport). Such competition, which implicates the importance of water as an attraction in itself as well as a facilitator of other attractions such as golf courses, is likely to accelerate as freshwater resources are further degraded and depleted by the combined effects of mismanagement and climate change (Becken &
Hay 2012). As with skiing, such issues are especially acute in Australia, where major waterways such as the Murray and Darling rivers are modest affairs by European or Asian standards, with precarious water supplies subject to intense competition for access.
Geothermal waters
As discussed in chapter 3, spas were an historically important form of tourism that receded in significance during the ascendancy of seaside tourism. Contemporary demographic and social trends, however, favour a resurgence in this type of resort (see chapter 10). Germany may be indicative, where an ageing but health-conscious
FIgURe 5.2 An idyllic beachscape of the Caribbean pleasure periphery
population supports over 300 officially-recognised spas which collectively account for about one-third of all visitor-nights and over 350 000 jobs. Combining geothermal waters with health food, meditation and other ‘wellness’ products is a growing trend in the European spa industry (Pforr & Locher 2012).
Wildlife
As a tourism resource, wildlife can be classified in several ways for managerial pur- poses. First, a distinction can be made between captive and noncaptive wildlife. The clearest example of the former is a zoo, which is a hybrid natural/cultural attraction.
At the opposite end of the continuum are wilderness areas where the movement of animals is unrestricted. Trade-offs are implicit in the tourist experience associated with each scenario. For example, a visitor is virtually guaranteed of seeing the animal in a zoo, but there is minimal habitat context, no thrill of discovery and no risk.
In a wilderness or semi-wilderness situation, the opposite holds true. Many zoos are now being reconstructed and reinvented as ‘wildlife parks’ or ‘zoological parks’
that provide a viewing experience within a quasi-natural and more humane environ- ment, thereby compromising between these two extremes. Tiger-related tourism demonstrates the trade-offs and ambiguities that occur between the captive and non- captive options. In India, noncaptive semi-wilderness settings provide a favourable natural environment for tigers but foster an unsustainable form of tourism due to relentless tourist harassment of these animals. In contrast, zoos are a less-than-ideal ecological setting but provide captive breeding and educational opportunities that may ultimately save the species from extinction as native wildlife habitats disappear (Cohen 2012).
Consumptive and nonconsumptive dimensions
Wildlife is also commonly classified along a consumptive/nonconsumptive spec- trum. The former usually refers to hunting and fishing, which are long established as a mainly domestic form of tourism in North America, Australia, New Zealand and Europe (Lovelock 2008). Related activities that have more of an international dimen- sion include big-game hunting (important in parts of Africa and North America) and deep-sea fishing, which is significant in many coastal destinations of Australia (Bauer & Herr 2004). Because of the consumptive nature of these activities, managers must always be alert to their effect on wildlife population levels. In Australia, hunting is valued as a management tool for keeping exotic pest species such as feral pigs in balance with environmental carrying capacities (Craig-Smith & Dryden 2008).
In many areas ‘nonconsumptive’ wildlife-based pursuits such as ecotourism are overtaking hunting and fishing in importance (see chapter 11). This is creating a dilemma for some hunting-oriented businesses and destinations, which must decide whether to remain focused on hunting, switch to ecotourism or attempt to accom- modate both of these potentially incompatible activities. Such conflicts are evident in eastern North American settings where white-tailed deer are valued for very different reasons by recreational hunters and ecotourists (Che 2011). One criticism of the ‘con- sumptive/nonconsumptive’ mode of classification is that both dimensions are inherent in all forms of wildlife-based tourism. The ‘nonconsumptive’ experience of being outdoors for its own sake, for example, is usually an intrinsic part of hunting and fishing, while ecotourists consume many different products (e.g. petrol, food, sou- venirs) as part of the wildlife-viewing experience. Maintaining an inventory of observed wildlife, as many avid birdwatchers do, can also be regarded as a symbolic form of
‘consumption’.
Vegetation
Vegetation exists interdependently with wildlife and, therefore, cannot be divorced from the ecotourism equation. However, there are also situations where trees, flowers or shrubs are a primary rather than a supportive attraction. Examples include the giant redwood trees of northern California and the wildflower meadows of Western Australia. In parts of Australia and elsewhere, a specialised interest in orchids is notable for having conflicting nonconsumptive (e.g. photographic) and consumptive (e.g. collection) dimensions (Ballantyne & Pickering 2012). The captive/noncaptive continuum is only partially useful in classifying flora resources, since vegetation is essentially immobile. For managers this means that inventories are relatively stable, and tourists can be virtually guaranteed of seeing the attraction (although this does not pertain to weather-dependent attractions such as autumn colour and spring flower displays). However, these same qualities may imply a greater vulnerability to damage and overexploitation. The carving of initials into tree trunks and the removal of limbs for firewood are common examples of vegetation abuse associated with tourism and outdoor recreation. The ‘captive’ flora equivalent of a zoo is a botanical garden. These are usually located in larger urban areas, and as a result consistently rank among the top attractions for inbound tourists in countries such as Australia.
Accordingly, they function as important centres for public education (Moskwa &
Crilley 2012).
protected natural areas
Protected natural areas such as national parks are an amalgam of topographical, hydro- logical, zoological, vegetation and cultural resources, and hence constitute a composite attraction. As natural attractions, high-order protected areas stand out for at least four reasons.
• Their strictly protected status ensures, at least theoretically, that the integrity and attractiveness of their constituent natural resources is safeguarded.
• The amount of land available in a relatively undisturbed state is rapidly declining due to habitat destruction, thereby ensuring the status of high-order protected areas as scarce and desirable tourism resources.
• Protection of such areas was originally motivated by the presence of exceptional natural qualities that are attractive to many tourists, such as scenic mountain ranges or rare species of animals and plants.
• An area having been designated as a national park or World Heritage Site confers status on that space as an attraction, since most people assume that it must be special to warrant such designation.
For all these reasons, protected natural areas are now among the most pop- ular international and domestic tourism attractions. Some national parks, such as Yellowstone, Grand Canyon and Yosemite (all in the United States), Banff (Canada) and Kakadu, Lamington and Uluru (Australia) are major and even iconic attractions in their respective countries. This is ironic given that many protected areas were origi- nally established for preservation purposes, without any consideration being given to the possibility that they might someday be alluring to large numbers of tourists and other visitors. However, as funding cutbacks and external systems such as agriculture and logging pose an increased threat to these areas, their managers are now more open to tourism as a potentially compatible revenue-generating activity that may serve to pre-empt the intrusion of more destructive activities (Tisdell & Wilson 2012) (see chapter 11).