Hôtel de Torcy, floor plans of the ground floor (a) and first floor (b), Germain Boffrand, by Jean Mariette. Decoration applied to furniture, 1878 (Mary Ann Beinecke Decorative Art Collection; Courtesy of Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute Library, Williamstown, Massachusetts). Courtesy of the Library of Congress). She is the author of The Roman House and Social Identity (Cambridge 2003) and Pompeii in the Public Imagination from its Rediscovery to Today (co-edition with Joanna Paul) (Oxford 2011).
1 See Gazda on the origin of the idea of "copies" in the interpretation of Roman sculpture and the problems of this framework. The Roles of the Classical Archaeologist, Art Historian, Architectural Historian, and Egyptologist in Reception Studies. Interest in such intersections is fundamental to the study of the reception of ancient architecture, as well as to the construction of architecture.
Kuttner's chapter establishes many of the points that provide possible critical approaches to the Neo-Antique information (see below). However, Soane's houses were only tangentially influenced by two important factors in the material reception of the Classical world: the rediscovery of Ancient Egypt and the development of French Empire style. This is addressed by Caroline van Eck and Miguel John Versluys in their case study of the Hôtel de Beauharnais.
CHAPTER 1 (Re)presenting Romanitas at Sir John Soane’s House and Villa
Bibliographic data for Soane's library comes from the catalog on the website of the House Museum online. 7 On the curious exclusion of concrete visions of history at the House Museum, in connection with the development of history museums, see (briefly, but to the point) Bann 1990, 137. To complete the leisure facilities of the house, a considerable high glass conservatory was attached. at the back of the house entering from the Library.
142 has a small but invaluable labeled plan of the rooms of the house, the only one in print; Cat. In Soane's 1835 description of the House Museum and the images there (certainly approved by the author), the prints stand out: pl. Sir John Soane's breakfast room, two sections showing the Buti plate series of the Roman house at Villa Negroni.
How they performed this task is clearly seen in the 'section' of the Breakfast Room in Soane's 1835 guide to his house.
CHAPTER 2 The Hôtel de Beauharnais in Paris
1, 182, and the description of the interior by Germain Brice, Nouvelle Description de Paris (Paris 1725), vol. Hôtel de Torcy, drawings of the ground floor (a) and first floor (b), Germain Boffrand, from Jean Mariette's Architecture Française, Paris, 1727. The Salon de Musique, on the right side of the vestibule was also newly installed for Eugène (Fig. 2.9).
Against this background, it becomes clear that the interior design of the Hôtel de Beauharnais no longer uses these traditional means of establishing a relationship with the viewer. Architecture imitating Egyptian temples was popular in Paris in the first decade of the nineteenth century. One of the most striking decorations of the Hôtel de Beauharnais was the Egyptian chimney.
Above these brackets, a register decorated with hieroglyphic motifs continued along the entire width of the chimney. This contributed to a wider popularity of sphinxes and other Egyptian decorative elements in the second part of the eighteenth century, see Humbert 1989, 102. 43 As depicted in the lower part of the drawing from the chimney preserved in the Album Maciet, see n.
Eugène was not alone in joining the power of the obelisk. This decoration is a continuation of the frieze with Egyptian deities on which the candlestick is placed. Unformulated Realities: Creative Aemulation and Innovative Eclecticism on the Banks of the Seine and the Nile.
We have presented this interpretation against the background of the Beaux-Arts' developing distinction between the party and the march. Thus the decoration of the Hôtel de Beauharnais became a material embodiment of cultural memory, constantly playing with absent pasts and their material presence.
CHAPTER 3 The History of Human Habitation
View of L'Histoire de l'habitation humaine exhibition from the corner of the Roman House (N.B. This is an inverted image). 6 Garnier and Ammann 1892, v; promotional sheet for Jourdain 1889, together with the copy of the book preserved in the Bodleian. This ethnographic narrative was not entirely original, although its architectural demonstration in the form of the Expo models certainly was.
Such ethnographic performances played an important role in the educational activity, scientific attitude and colonial politics of the European World's Fairs. Such a departure from precedent arose out of the need for the Roman House to conform to the principles of the overall project. The Roman house-type nature of the atrium caused some difficulties for Garnier and Ammann's project.
Moreover, Garnier had actually viewed, with some admiration, the drawings of the Maison that Normand exhibited at the 1867 Exposition Universelle. No wonder, then, that Houssaye was confident of the Maison Pompéienne's potential as an exhibition model. Such accusations drove home the growing tension between scientific engineering and the art of architecture.
One of the most obvious differences between the Maison Pompéienne and Garnier houses was Garnier's emphasis on the facade over the interior. The Maleuvre provides a brilliant discussion of the nature of the "toy" in the nineteenth-century French domestic context. In the expanded reconstruction facilities of the Paris Expos, the world came to the Parisian.
Held on the centenary of the Revolution, this Expo more than any other staged the display of Frenchness. By 1889, Maison Pompéienne's owner, artists and guests and their classic tastes were old news.
CHAPTER 4 Domestic Interiors, National Concerns
American sensitivity to the opulent and effeminate connotations of the Pompeian style surfaced in the popular outcry against murals in the US. The context of the bathroom (an expensive proposition in this period) was reminiscent of the context, given the Pompeian style's pronounced associations with both water and luxury (Fig. 4.3, see box).
The inclusion of objects allegedly owned by the guillotined queen may have reinforced the titillating, mind-numbing connotations of the Pompeian style. And if so, what must the Pompeian think of today's New Yorker. With this logic, Pompeian style decoration becomes not just a reconditioning of the past, but a multivalent memento mori and gesture towards the future.
In the tradition of the Capitoline Venus or that of Botticelli, she extends a hand to her breast. An embodiment of the Pompeian style, it encompasses fun, femininity and prosperity all in one. She lays bare the Orientalist grounds for the ubiquitous idea of Pompeian decadence: “The art of the.
Artistic intelligence is a trait of the hired hand, rather than a desirable trait in the homeowner. When Broadway grew weary and lost its appetite, I spoiled it with the food of the gods, stewed in the sauces of Olympus." The most famous Pompeian room in the United States during the first decades of the twentieth century was that of Chicago's Congress Hotel and Annex (Fig. 4.12, see inset).
Through widely publicized accounts of activities in the Congress Hotel's Pompeian Room, the latent moral threats of the Pompeian style materialized in the public imagination. Over the course of the twentieth century, American pseudo-aristocratic culture replaced the Pompeian room with other markers of wealth and status, and the Pompeian style itself became buried history.
CHAPTER 5 The Impossible Exedra
The exedra was a form, as the New York Tribune critic (probably Clarence Cook) noted, "familiar to those of us who have traveled. In the year of the Farragut's debut, several American publications reprinted an article titled "Social Life Among the Ancient Greeks" from England's Cornhill Magazine, which describes an imaginary journey into the past.8 As a stranger, the narrator becomes welcomed in the . In this situation, the admiring attention supposedly directed toward Farragut may have been deflected outward, toward members of the coaching class.
In David Scobey's analysis, a distinctive feature of the boardwalk was its "perpetual motion" quality. In other words, the Promenade was the reverse image of the Greco-Roman exedra converse as imagined by turn-of-the-century Americans. But the house language most associated with New York's urban parks was that of parlor rather than vestibule.
If we reverse our perspective, however, we see that anyone sitting in the exedra inevitably becomes a temporary, living addition to the monument, thus entering into the composition for consideration by standing spectators and others examining it from a distance. Is it an aesthetic reluctance to rob the work of the enchantment that distance gives the view?”34. Delmonico's, they were told, is "the great meeting-place," the place "to chat with some of the well-known men of New York on the subjects of the day" (Stephenson 1891, 628).
It is difficult to discern the social status of the seated men in the 1898 photograph (Fig. 5.2), taken after the headquarters of McKim, Mead, and White's New York Herald were established at the intersection in 1894. public salon - tilting reads as an act of defiance against the precepts of a monument whose raison d'être was explicitly reformist, which we might identify (following Domosh 1998) as a tactical violation of the street's micropolitics. See Deusner 2010 and 2011 on the visual rhetoric of the Marquand mansion; specifically about the music room, see Kallmyer 2010.
I suppose you would call me stupid.” The speaker was half-rested on the back of the stone seat of the Dodge statue in Herald Square, a position that lent itself. 51 For further discussion of the role of gardens and Neo-Antiquity see von Stackelberg in this volume.
