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VNU Journal of Science, S o d a l Sciences a n d H um anities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

Japanese village in documents o f Shõens

and comparative approach with Vietnamese village

Phan Hai Linh*

Cơllege o f Social Sciences and Humanities, VNU 336 Nguyen Trai, Thanh Xuan, Hanoi, Vietnam

R e c e iv e d 12 M a y 2 0 0 9

A b s t r a c t . S in c e 1 9 9 0 s, J a p a n e s e S tu d ie s in V ie tn a m h a ve o b ta in e d m a n y s a lie n t a c h ie v e m e n ts , e s p e c ia lly in th e s tu d ie s o f e c o n o m ic s , p o litic s , c u ltu re , h is to ry a n d th e r e la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n Ja p a n a n d V ie tn a m e tc . In a d d itio n , a c o m p a ra tiv e a p p ro a c h to th e s tu d ie s o f J a p a n a n d V ie tn a m is a h ig h ly p o te n tia l d ừ e c tio n .

T h is p a p e r is đ iv id e d in to tw o p a rts . T h e fírst p a rt íb c u s e s o n a n a ly z in g d o c u m e n ts o f the v illag es in tw o M e d ie v a l J a p a n e s e s h õ e n s n a m e ly O y a m a a n d H in e , w h ic h w e h a v e s tu d ie d q u ite c a re fu lly . T h e o th e r p a r t p r o v id e s s o m e in itia l c o m p a ra tiv e re m a rk s o n J a p a n e s e v illa g e s a n d V ie tn a m e s e o n e s u n d e r th e d y n a s tie s o f L y - T r a n - L e. O n th e b a s is o f in itia l a n a ly s is , w e h av e fo u n d th a t d o c u m e n ta ry c o m p a r is o n (in c lu d in g h is to ric a l, a rc h e o lo g ic a l, g e o lo g ic a l m a te ria ls , e tc .) o n the h is to ry o f th e tw o c o u n tr ie s ’ v illa g e s is a p o te n tia l s tu d y d ừ e c tio n , p a r tic u la r ly th e is s u e s o n v illa g e ’s re g u la tio n s , o rg a n iz a tio n s a n d th e ro le o f m a n a g e m e n t a p p a ra tu s , th e ĩu n c tio n o f th e v illa g e ’s a g ric u ltu re , h a n d ic r a ữ a n d c o m m e rc e , th e ro le o f a u to n o m o u s v illa g e s a n d c o m b a t v illa g e s in th e w a rs, a n d th e v illa g e s ’ s p iritu a l ỉiv es. H ovvever, w h a t m a tte rs n o w is th e m e th o d o f c h o o s in g m a te ria l s o u rc e s , o b je c ts o f c o m p a ris o n a n d s tu d y , c rite ria o f sp a c e , tim e , a n d ty p e s ... W e are in th e h o p e o f g o in g o n th e d e ta ils o f th is m a tte r in th e C orning tim e.

Since 1990, Japanese Studies in Vietnam have recorded salient achievem ents, especially in the studies o f econom ics, politics, culture, history and the relationship betvveen Japan and Vietnam ctc. In addition, com parative study is :onsidered to be a prospective approach. By analyzing som e m aterials on villages in lapanese shõens in the m edieval history and

;om paring them with som e m aterials on villages o f V ietnam under the dynasties o f Ly - ĩra n - Le, this paper proposes som e suggestions

Tel.: 84-4-62510658 E-maiỉ: linh_ph@ yahoo.com

for the study o f V ietnam ese and Japanese villages from a com parative approach.

1. J a p a n e s e villages in m a te ria ls o n shỗens

The m aterials used in this paper to study Japanese villages in the m eđieval history (12*

C entury - 16lhC entury) w ere m ainly documents o f proprietors and stew ards o f lw o shõens:

O yam a(1) and H ine(2). T hese w ere tw o shõens

(I) O yam a b e lo n g c đ t o th e Toji in th e S o u th ern v a lle y o f the O yam a m ountain in the province o f Hyogo. Oyam a had existed for about 700 years (845-1508), including

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38 P.H. Linh / V N U Ịoum aỉ o f Science, Soáal Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

t h a t h a d r i c h m a t e r i a l s a n d t h e i r v i l l a g e s t r u c t u r e s c h a n g e d s l i g h t l y f r o m t h e m e d i e v a l h i s t o r y u n t i l 1960s.

/ . / . Village structure

B a s e d o n a r c h e o l o g i c a l a n d

h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l a n a l y s e s , m o s t o f J a p a n e s e r c s e a r c h c r s a g r e c t h a t J a p a n e s e v i l l a g e s w e r e c l o s e l y o r g a n i z e d i n t h e m i d t i m e o f K a m a k u r a ( 1 9 th C e n t u r y ) . C u l t i v a t o r s i n t h e s e v i l l a g e s w e r e l o c a l p c a s a n t s o r r e s i d e n t p e a s a n t s (Hotiiciike) a n d s o m c “outcast pea sa n ts”.

O u t c a s t p e a s a n t s w e r e t h o s e w h o c a m e f r o m o n e v i l l a g e t o r e s i d e i n a n o t h e r v i l l a g e . T h e y h a d a l o v v e r s t a t u s t h a n l o c a l p c a s a n t s ; t h e y h a d t o l i v e i n t h e o u t s k i r t o f t h e v i l l a g e a n d v v e re a t t a c h c d w i t h b a d l a b l e s s u c h a s “person otì the other side o f the s l o p e T h e y w e r e u s u a l l y d i s c r i m i n a t c d a n d d i s l o c a t c d . T h e i r h o u s c s s o m e t i m c s b u m c d b y t h c s h õ e n s t e w a r d s o r t h e y c o u l d b e k i l l e d a t v v o r s t . T h e s e w e r e d e s c r i b e d i n t h e Report o f Shõen Steward Minamoto Kannesada ( H i n e n o v i l l a g e , H i n e s h - õ e n ) o n J u n e 4 th i n t h e f o u r t h y e a r o f S h o w a

(1315): “...there w ere house burnings and kilỉings; therefore, we had to stop recỉaimation

A t t h a t t i m e , o n l y l o c a l p e a s a n t s w e r e p c r m i t t e d t o r e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d a n d p a y t a x t o t h e l a n d l o r d s . T h e y w e r e c a l l e d

nameholders^ . An Enumeration on Cultivatiotì in O yama Slìõen o n J u n e 2 2 nd i n t h e s e c o n d y e a r

thrcc m ain divisions nam cly lchiitani, Nishitai and Kamoguki.

<2) Hine, located ncar thc city o f I/.um isano, bclonged to thc South o f Osaka. Hinc vvas property o f F ujo fam ily - the royal family and thc dcscendant o f Fujiw ara family. This m anor had existcd or about 300 years (1234-1574) and covered four main villagcs nam cly T rusuhara, Ihara, Hincno and ỉnyam ada.

(3) Myodcn, scido was introduced in the 10,h C cntury in all a rc a s undcr th c C entral g o v e r r m c n t a n d alỉ sh õ e n s . Accordingly. lands wcrc given to vvealthy pcasants callcd nam choldcrs vvith a prcdctcrm incd tax.

o f B u n p o ( 1 3 1 8 ) d o c u m e n t e d a r e a s a n d t a x e s ir d e t a i l o f e a c h n a m e h o l d e r . T h e c a s c o f t h t n a m e h o l d e r U m a n ọ j o I e y a s u <4> o f t h e I c h i i t a m v i l l a g e ( i n O y a m a s h ỏ c n ) v v a s a g o o d e x a m p l e :

[Ieyasu was given] 8 tan 20 s h ir o (about 0.9

h e c t a r e ) , i n w h i c h 1 tan 3 0 shiro v v a s i n t h e

upper íield w ith tax o f 1 koku 2 to, 3 tan and 30 shiro v v a s i n t h e m i d d l e - l e v e l í ì c l d w i t h t h c t a x

o f 2 koku 5 slìO 2 go, 3 tan and 10 sh iro was in the low er field w ith thc tax o f 1 koku 4 /o 4 sho... A fter the paym ent to provincial salary

b u d g e t w a s s u b t r a c t e d , t h e t a x a m o u n t w a s 4

koku 6 to a n d 4 go... [ 2 , D o c u m e n t N o . 1 5 2 ] . N a m e h o l d e r s i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l i c s

w hose had a lot o f land ficlds and the O tona

( e l d e r l y p e o p l e ) w e r e n o m i n a t e d t o t h e C o u n c i l

o f V illage (satanin - executivcs). T he Council

p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t r o l c i n o r g a n i z i n g I h c v i l l a g e ^ s a c t i v i t i e s s u c h a s r e c l a i m a t i o n ,

production and irrigation systcm im provem ent.

It w a s w r i t t e n i n t h e d o c u m e n t s o f N i s h i t a i v i l l a g e ( O y a m a s h õ e n ) t h a t t h e C o u n c i l o f V i l l a g e n e g o t i a t e d w i t h i t s n c i g h b o r i n g v i l l a g e o f M i y a d a l o m a k e a c o n t r a c t f o r w o o d - w a t c r a n d l a n d - w a t e r e x c h a n g e i n o r d e r t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s .

“Copy c f the coníract fo r xvatcr rcsource.

On land fo r water exchaiỉge.

Including I cho and 5 tan o f ỉand fie ld m th a deíailed draxvings atíached.

The above mentioìied land fìe ld in the N ishitai village o f Oy am a shõ en belonged ío the

<4> Ancicnt Japanesc pcoplc uscd to havc o n ly first namcs, no ĩam ily names. F am ily nam cs w ere givcn to aristocratic íam ilics or thosc w ho servcd in thc E m pcror as titlcs or jo b codcs, knovMi as Kabane. Nam cs o f Japancsc pcoplc in thc medieval tim c bccam c m orc com plicatcd. They includcd both titlcs and positions in thc family. For instance, Fujiw ara Umanojo Icyasu: Fujiw ara w as fam ily name, Icyasu w as first nam c and Um anojo w as re-N^TĨttcn from Uem onjo (a ranking titlc), w hich m eant tha! this man vvas from a aristocratic íam ily in thc region. In thc documcnts o f O yam a shõen, he w as also knouTi as Ucmon Saburo (another title), w hich m cant that hc w as thc third child in thc family.

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P.H. ỉ.inh ! V N U Ịournaị o f Science, Social Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-4!) 3 9

Toji ÌI is dijficulĩ)ê to \vater ílìis area o f Uỉĩĩd field; therefore, we made íhis area as a concession to the Aíiyada shõen in exchange fo r

\\ater liìte that \\ent through M iyada shỏen to our ỉ and. This contract, a s described in the explanation o f the residenís in Oyamci shôctì on Apriỉ 2n(i 1173, based on the precedence that villagers exchanged xvood fo r waícr yvitlì Miỵada shõen. Botlì sides had agreed uith íheir contract. Recentỉy, Miyada shõen and the uppcr area o f the Oyama shõen have been in disagreement. As a resulí, the \vood exploitation and \valer supply were cancelled. Nơw, land concession was made an d wood exploitation

\vas resumed. Even thouỵlì contract HY/.S made, since the Negorọịi and the jiío Ị$l Motokazu dclineaíed their bounứaty, the Negorọịi lìas no forest. Therefore, ị í has to exchange I cho 5 tan ()f ỉand jìe ỉd fo r water source. I f no water is alỉoxvcd to use, lam! fiel(I must be returned...."

|2 . D ocum cnt N o.78].

In thc m edieval time, v illag e’s regulations

\vcre not system atized as thosc in the 17*

C entury to 19lh C entury but basic regulations vvcrc form cd such as regulations to classiíy uppcr, m iddle and low cr Ticlds, to categoríze land in the village mcluding public land for irrígation system o f thc region; rcgulations for village secunty or penalties for offensive crim es... Espccially, rcgulations were institutionaiized by edicts o f shỗens ow ners or other vvaưiors. T hese w erc a basis for rcgulations o f villages in thc m odcm history.

The lcrm jito slartcd at ihc cnd o f thc 9lh C cntury with thc m caning o f local land and Hcỉds. For cxam plc, Jito Qĩukari dokoro indicatcd landlords w ho m adc land conccssions lo othcrs and bccam c shỏcn stew ards. Then, ihis tcm i gcncrally rcícrrcd 10 landlords in thc I0,h and I r h C cnturics. ỉn Ihc ycar o f Bunji (1185 M inam oto V o n to m o r c q u c s ic d ih c E m p c ro r to ISSUC th c s ta tu lc to nssigned Jỉto % chc s ta n o f Jiioseido. Sincc thc 13lh Ccntury.

h to b ccam c a tc rm to rcfcr to w arriors w ho hãd :on!nbution to thc Jokyu disordcr (1221) and wcrc scnt to iccurc sh ỏ cn s and tax collcction.

L c t’s takc an cxam plc o f thc cdict issucd by

Kụ ị o M a s a m o t o t o v i l l a g e s in t h e H i n e s h õ c n

on April 6 lh in thc year o f Bunki (1501).

“ Edict:

1. Village ọffìcials a re noi alỉo\ved to pretext public (iu ty to pester ỉocal residents;

2. Those incỉudiììg village ọffìcials who steaỉ more thun 3 units o f currency \vith clear evidence \vill bi' immediately executed;

3. Village oJJìciaỉs are noí allow ed to in/ringe upotì w ives a n d m aids o f other nam ehoìders " Ị3, p. 12].

1.2. Autonomous village

A t thc end o f K am akura and the beginning o f thc M urom achi (14th - 15,h Centuries), autonom ous villages startcd in cxistence in Japan. V illagc peasants requested landlords to rem ove the m ediatc managcrial system and replaced it with thcir own villagcs’ notables.

These notables w erc responsiblc for land divisions, cultivation activity reports, tax collections and paym ents to thc lanđlords. This transition was dcscribed in the Contract o f Land M anagenal Rights in the Ichiilani village o f O yam a shõcn on June 14^ in the second ycar o f Bunpo (1318).

44A rcport to the Toji on annual lax payment o f Ichiitani villagc o f O yam a shõen in the provincc o f Tam ba.

Including 8 cho 3 tan and 30 slĩiro, o f vvhich:

3 cho 3 tan was in the uppcr field with tax ra te o f 7 to 5 sho/tan

3 cho 2 tan w as in the m iddle field with tax rate o f 5 to 7 sho/tan

1 cho 6 lan 30 sltiro was in the low er field w ith tax ratc o f 4 to 5 clioỉtan

After categorized as upper, middle and

l o w e r f ì e ỉ d s , a p a r t o f o u r ỉ a n d w a s g i v e n Í O t h e

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4 0 P.H. Linh / V N U Ịoum aỉ o f Science. Soàaỉ Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

Negorọịi. Then, the tax rate a pp lied soỉely Vvas 1 kuko/tan. B ut there w as a b a d Harvest, the Tempĩe sent its represeníatìve to have a check causing both the N egoroji a n d th e village troublesome. Tax m te s are applied respectively to each category o f th e land fìe ld as upper, m iddle and low er fìe ld a t th e request o f the masses. Since then, despite b a d harvests or

d r o u g h ỉ s , ÍCLX p a y m e n t s m u s t b e m a d e i n t h e

m iddle o f every November...

Ju n e I4 th s e c o m ỉy e a r o f B unpo Umanojo (signed)

Taira Shọịi (ỉnitialed)Ị5)

M eizen (signecị) [2, D ocum ent No. 152].

During thc vvarring time (m id. 15,h C entury - mid. 16 !h Century), the C ouncils o f V illage played a very im portant role in the village deíense. A t that timc, Notables w ere also the heads o f groups o f nam eholders. They negotiated w ith the proprictors or othcr vvarriors and w ere responsiblc for thc village security.

The report o f the head o f the O yam a shõen in the forth year o f Showa (1315) docum ented that inhabitants in N ishitai village follow ed one Notable, Y ukioka N yudo to cooperate w ith the local w aư io rs for protection.

“Response o f the stew ard o f O yam a shõen on problem s o f the 0)>ama shỏetì

Yukioka N yudo in íhe N ishitai village and fello w s took the fa c t thai th ey d id not have

money a s a p retext not to p a y the ta x to the

C e n t r a l Emperor...

The villagers requested lo use m oney to p a y the tax o f rice...

<5) Ancient and mcdicval docum cnts vvcrc usually scalcd by the person w ho preparcd and the person w ho vvas r c s p o n s ib le fo r th e d o c u m c n t s a s w c s i g n OUI d o tu m e n is novvadays. It w as common that docum cnts w ere sealed by the stam ps but ihc mcdicval Japancsc uscd to sign with the quill pens. T hcsc signalurcs w crc knovvn as kao. Those w ho could not vvritc w ould makc a circle instead o f signing thc docum cnts. T hcsc circlcs w ere known as ryakuo, translatcd as thc initial.

They b a se d on the ịito seid o , d id n o t obe\

the ru les a n d fo Ilo w ed the evil g a n g (6} G en zo...v [2, D ocum cnt N o. 137].

I f nccded, N o tab les vvere w illing to go to the Central govem m ent o r to thc neighboring villages to n eg o tiate for their villages’ benefits.

D ocum ents o f H in en o villagc rccordcd an event on S eptcm bcr 3rd in the y car o f Bunki (1501).

On h c a n n g that the vvarriors from the N egoroji (belonged to the tc m to ry headed by H atakeyam a) prepared to attack H ineno village, its N olables discussed that “this is a m om ent o f deciding o u r survival. It is necessary to negotiate (w ith th c N egoroji) and m ake a concession (to avoid w ar)...” [3, p.149]. O n the day follow cd, rcpresentativcs o f H ineno subm itted to thc N egorọịi m ore than 200 katì [3, p. 154] w hich vvas equivalcnt to their annual tax paym ent.

1.3. C om baí Village

T h e villagc m ilitia was vcry im portant in autonom ous villages in Japan. T h e militia was responsible for th c night patrols, fire and crim inal prevcntion. T he docum ents o f H ine sh- õen show ed that th e villagc m ilitia vvas about 20 strong men, know n as m ura no bushi. Notables in the villages “ ...chosc the elderly to lead the strong y o u th s..." [3, p.258].

D uring the w ar tim e, the m ilitias were main íorces to protcct their villages. They set up guarding posts, send alarm s o f enemy to the villages. T hey h elp ed villagers to evacuate properties and cattle, im plem ent the plan o f

“em pty garden and deserted house”. On 26ưi June in the second ycar o f Bunki (1502), having heard that their village vvould be attacked, villagers o f the H ine shỏen dccided to take

(6) This term used b y thc ccntral govcm m cnt and the Bakufu to reĩer to local sclf-arm ed gangs who did not obey the adm inistration.

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p II I inh ! V N U lo u m a ỉ o f Sàenct', Sociaỉ Sciences and Humanities 2bẩ No.5L (2009) 37-45 41

advantagcs ol’ their v illag c’s gcographical position to sct up thc battle to d elcat the enem y.

"...residents in th e easíern p a r t o f ỉỉin e n o left the village and m oved up to the m ountains.

The enem y Hvtild attack fro m Tsuchim aru - a stnall gaíe into the village. O th er three com m unes xvould gather to a íta c k at the

Tsuchimaru at the request o f th e en em y..." [3, p 125].

On Septcm bcr 2 ^ in ih c y e a r o f Bunki (1501), on hearing that the en cm y p lan n cd to atlack thc village, the leaders o f the v illa g e ’s militia and thc C ouncĩl o f N o tab les gathcrcd to discuss a plan to lìght thc cncm y. “...(villagers) evacuate their properties, d riv e th eir horses a n d cows... in the early m o rn in g th e m iỉitia p rcten d ed to go hunting b u t th cy m a d e an ambustì for the enem y... [3, p.73].

1.4. Inter- village connecíion

The rclationship betw een villages in thc same rcgion vvas a spccial fealure o f Japan in thc mcdicval history. 'ỉ'he rclationship betw ccn N ishita and M iyata vvas ju st introduced in the above. Hvcn though thcy som etim es had troublcs in thc usc o f w atcr rcso u rce and the w ood exploitation, the fact that N ishitai villagers used the w ater line from the fields o f M iyada shõen during the tim c o f K am akura indicatcd thc coopcration betvveen the tw o sides.

D ocum cnts o f Ilinc also recorded the kum i no g o - the association am ong villages during thc vvarring time. T h ey agrccd to lct o f f ílares as a signal o f bcing attacked to call for h elp from othcrs. “IVhen the N egorọịi sta rts to a tta c k one village, there w o uld be a whir. ỈVhenever a

\vhir, other villages in the a sso cia tio n w ould com e to help. The w hir w as w inded, a ll villages immediateỉy cante to help... fr o m n o w on, they wiỉl come tu Help whenever n e e d e d ..\3, p.82-83].

W hen there w as a natural d isaster, all villages in the association vvould co op erate to

overcom e it. O ne good exam ple o f this cooperation was the fact that Hine shõen helped Tsuchim ura and Shobu o f Iriyamada village, w hich was recordcd in thc docum ents o f Kujo, one proprietor, on Scptcm bcr 15Í in thc second year o f Bunki (1502).

was heard thai the fỉo o d h a d svvept aw ay í he w ater conduit o f Tsuchim ura and Shobu to the N agatưki shõen. A heỉp was offered bu í they sa id it was no í needed. Bu ỉ ií vvaỏ’ dij]ìcult to repair the w ater conduit. A ll p eo p le incỉuding chiỉdren a n d the elderly fro m fo u r com m unes o f Iriyam ada a n d fr o m Hineno

cam e to Help repair ỉ he conduit. M ore than 400 p eo p le w ere unabỉe ío com plete the íask.

Thereforet m any other p eo p le fr o m the neighborìng K am i a n d N agataki carne to heỉp.

The K am i offered m any kinds o f wines to celebrate their com pletion o f í he ta sk...” [ ĩ, p .1 4 8 ] .

1.5. C ultural a n d sp iritual activiíies

M any cultural and spiritual activities o f Japanesc w ere rcílected in the docum ents o f O yam a and H ine shõcns. B uddhist pagodas w ere built in traditional rcsidcnt arcas ( Choarỹi o f Ichiitani and Ik ẹ ịin ) o r in im portant areas o f the vvater resourcc (Shipporyuji o f Hineno Iriyam da). Some pagodas vvere the headquarters o f the villages o r shõens ( Chofukuji o f Inyam ada). Each family had its OUT1 pagoda in the villages such as that o f the M uhenkọịi o f the M inam oto family. In addition, each village had its own genie tem ple (Oyuscki Tcm ple in H ineno, H achim an in Ichiitani) and many shrines in the borders am ong villages to w orship the earth genics, sainokam i, jizo.

V illage festivals w ere celebrated in four seasons in accordance w ith agricultural celebrations w hich grcatly influcnced by C hincsc culture such as the festivals to pray for good harvests and rains, to thank the G od o f A griculture etc. D ocum ents o f O yam a shõen

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4 2 P.H. Linh / V N U ịournal o f Science, Soãaỉ Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

did not recorded any o f thesc íestivals but those íestivals vvere many tim es recorded in the docum cnts o f M asamoto. O ne o f them was the festival to pray for rain on July 20lh in the year o f Bunki (1501): “...due ío th e recent drought, now m onks fr o m Shipporyụịi o f the Inunaki m ountain cam e to p ra y f o r rain. I f the drought coníinues, th e pray w ill be h e ld at the Pory ụịi.

I f no rain, the pray \vill be at the Bai D ong M inh Vuong. S íilỉ no rain, a b o m o r a stag head will be thro\vn into the stream. It is said that i f so.

rain will tìot be impossibIe....[3, p.56].

One o f the biggest íestivals o f Japancse pcoplc vvas the Urabon<7). This fcstival vvas greatly significant to the peoplc o f thc H ine shõen, vvhere they used to face with wars, epidem ics, natural disasters. Therefore, it was annualiy hcld from the

11lh to 16 U’ o f the 701 month o f thc lunar calcndar.

“ ...ow the l ì th niglĩt, Tsuchimaru villagers worship and p ra y in fr o n t o f the pagoda. Otì the I2th night when them oon is clearest, Ogivillagers vv/// tíỉke their turn to worship a n d p ra y in the fro n t garden... on the I3 lh nighí, viỉlagers o f Funahuchi com e to Hvrship a n d p ra y in the garden. After worship a n d pray, they perform a variety o f datices. The)’ perform these activities very ỵvelỉ. Or. seeing íhese celebraíioKs, (I íhought) their skiìỉs and taỉents were so marveỉous... oti the 15'h night, when the moon is clear, villagers o f Slỉobu w orship a n d p ra y in the garden... otì the I 6 lh n ig h t O gi villagers and som e o f Tsuchimaru villagers continue ío worship a n d pray in th e g ard en while the Tsuchim am a n d ỉhe Ogi, the Sh o bu a n d the Funabuchi arc dancing together...” [3, p.55- 56].

^ Urabon is 2 translation of Ulmabana, mcaning the pray for ur\an. This is similar to thc Buddhist holiday hcld

annually on 15th o f thc 7,h m onth o f thc lunar calcndar. In Japan, this íestival uscd to bc hcld 13‘h -15ỉh o f thc scvcnth month o f thc lunar calcndar but today il is hcld diíĩercntly in various locations and can bc in thc 7,h an d 8,h m onth o f thc lunar calcndar.

In the context o f unstable lifc during th.

w arring tim e, these íestivals hclped to conncc pcoplc and reílected im m ortal living strength o Japancse villagers at that time.

2. Sonic co m p ariso n s \vith villages in V ietn am

In V ietnam , evcn though not very m any o:

m aterials on V ietnam ese v illag e’s structurc, anc cultural and spiritual activities in thc tim e o f L>

- 'I ran - Le dynasties w ere prcservcd, othei m atenals such as historical books, cpitaphs and researchcs shovv that V ietnam esc villages had many sim ilarities vvith those o f Japan. Some rescarchers have com pared v illag e’s regulations and bclicís bctw ccn V ietnam and Japar« [4,5].

The tbllovving section is to provide some com parisons betw een Japanese villages in thc medieval history and those o f V ietnam under the dynastics o f Ly - T ran - Le.

As above analyzed, Japanesc villagc structurc was rellected in docum ents o f which serv'ed as a íorcrunner o f village lcgal regulations. V ietnam ese village structure vvas partly rcílcctcd in the village rcgulations and conventions w hich startcd in th e 14th and 15lh C enturics and w ell dcvelopcd in the 16^ - 19lh C cnturics. Inhabitant struclurc was also dividcd into original o r local villagcrs and outcast villagers. O utcast villagers had a low cr stalus Ihan that o f local villagcrs. T he villagc was m anagcd by the village officialdom which included a village c h ie f {Xa truong) and some other posts (Xa tu, X a giam). Thesc positions w ere selected by the villagers and thcy vvere prestigious, wealth and literacy like satanin in Japan.

In the 15th - ló lh C enturies, in Japan. one bordcr territory w as establishcd by some nam eholđcrs w hose lanđs w cre close to each other. This border territory was lcd by a ch ief w ho was elderly and had a lot o f land. Pcoplc in

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p .ll Linh / VN U /ounial o f Science, Social Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45 43

this tcrntory coopcratcd in cultivation, tax collection and controlled each othcr. A t thc tìrst glance, this tcrntory seem cd to sim ilar to the Giap in Vietnam with m ale m em bers and its activity vvcnt beyond the village adm inistrative boundary. H ow ever, G iap w as a com m unity based on family lincage and its main activity vvas to cooperate in vveddings and ĩunerals;

whereas. the bordcr tcrritory in Japan w as more inclincd to coopcrating in productivc activities.

It is hoped that thcrc w ould bc m ore m aterials on the bordcr territory o f Japan to com parc it vvith Giap in Vietnam .

The cconom ics o f th e m edieval shõens in Japan mainly bascd on valley agriculture while V ietnam ese agriculture at that tim c bascd on the largc river delta but the function o f agricultural villagcs in both V ictnam and Japan was quite sim ilar. T h e village w as to mangc its cultivation, tax collcction, rcclainiation, irrigation, and to overcom e natural disasters and to íìght against the enem ies. In addition, it vvas also to com binc agricultural activities with handicrart and trading activities.

The m ilitia in Japan w as m u ra no bushi (young and strong m cn) led by thc taishu. The m ilitia in V ietnam w as Tuan dinh, tuan trang (village guard m en), w ho w ere at the age o f 18 and 45 and form ed the Tuan p h ien (village night patrol group). T he group was hcadcd by X a giam . K han phu or Truông luan [4, p.282- 283). The m ilitias’ duties on both V ielnam and Japan w ere sim ilar. T hcy had to patrol, secure the village and prcvcnt crim inals at the peaceful time. At the w ar tim c, thcy w ere the armed íorces to protect their villages.

A utonom ous and com bat villages were clearly reílectcd in the docum ents o f both O yam a and H ine shõens and ihey w ere also the images o f villages in V ictnam . T he term "evil gang", existed in the docum cnts o f the Oyama shõen in the 14"' - 15,h C en tu n es, referred to the

local self-arm cd group w ho did nol obey the rules and the adm im stration. T he M ing also uscd the samc tcrm to refer to the village sclf- armeci groups in V ictnam in thc 15lh Centuries.

It was recorded in Binh dinh Giao nam luc o f K hau Tuan that "evil gangs em erged like the m ushroom after the rain, on ly Giao Clmu was p a c ifìe đ ' [6, p.282]. T h e docum cnis o f H ine sh- õen also recorded the íights betw een the villagers and the w arriors by cvacuating people and cattle in the H ineno villagc. They im plem entcd thc plan o f “cm pty garden, desertcd house" and cnticcd thc cncm y into the m ountain o f Iriym ada to attack ihe encmy.

These pictures o f com bat villages rem inded o f com bat villages in V ictnam during the Lam Son U prising such as M ac V illage (Loe village, D ong N inh C om m unc, Dong Son D ist., Thanh Hoa Province), thc hom e o f N guycn Chich. The M ac V illage was thc site for the military exercises o f the insurgent army and it is well know n by the historical relics including Con La co, Con Trai cong, C on Phao, Con Luoi kicm, and the structure o f three íorces and rcarguards that írightened thc M ing enem y to death so m uch th a t “the enem y d id not dare to com e to D ong Son ” [6, p. 183-279].

T he com bat villages vvere found in the epitaphs in thc villages o f Yen So and Dac So (íbrm crly knovvn as Ke G ia or C o So in Hoai Duc, Ha Tay). T he epitaphs docum ented rich inform ation about thc com bat villages. Sincc the 601 C entury, in the uprising o f Ly Bi, Ke Gia was w ell-know n w ith thc G eneral Ly Phuc Man w ho m ade a great contribution to the national liberalization against the L iang enem y in the year o f 524 and battlcs in C uu Duc (Nghe Tinh) and D uong Lam (B a V i, Ha Tay). After his death, the lo"1 o f M arch w as taken to celebrate Hoi Gia festival which dcm onstrated the participation o f villagers in Ly Phuc M an’s battles. In the 13lh C entury, in the Tran D y n asty 's resistances against the M ongols, Ke

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44 P.H. Linh / V N U lo u m a ỉ o f Science, Sociaỉ Sâences and Hum anities 25, No 5E (2(X)9) 37-45

Gia bccamc thc írontier. T h e C om plete A nnals o f Dai Viet docum ented th a t à,in the p c rio d o f Nien P hong ( ỉ 2 5 1-1258) o f the Tran D ynasty, the Thai Dai (the M ongolians) in v a d ed the couníry; when entcred this area [K e Gia], their horses could noi m ove and thev w ere defeaíed b y th e villưgers. In the p e rio d o f Trung H ung (1258-1293), the enem y invaded th e country again. They destroyed e \’er)’tlĩing a n d everyw here bui thai area [K e G ia] w as sta íic "

[7]. lìpitaphs in Q uan G ia also charactcrized the battlc against thc M ongol as such “th e enem y

\vas surrounded bv the f ir e circỉe w hich goí rnore a n d more closed a n d destroyed the e n e m y ..." [8]. Located several dozcns o f kilom ctcrs from the Thang Long Palace and with brilliant tactics, Kc G ia pcople bravely kept thc cncmy out o f the village and defeated thcm.

D ocuments o f Ilin e shõcn recorded the associations o f villages know n as kum i n o g o in one region. T he kum i no g o w as also founded in V ietnam but it was called the inter-village association. In the resistance against th e M ing enem y, thcsc intcr-village associations actively participatcd in w capon and food transportation and attacking the cncm y. T he good cxam ple was the association o f five villagcs nam ely Yen Hoa, Ha Vi, N am Xuong, D ong N ham and Chau X uycn (in Bac G iang tow n). These villages participated in surrounding the X uong Gian citadcl o f thc enem y for six m onths and deícatcd it 10 days before their m ilitary aid a m v cd [6, p.288].

Cultural and spiritual activity in villages o f the H ine shõcn is also an interesting topic and it has similarities with that o f V ictnam ese villages. The systcm o f tcm ples o f deities, Buddhist pagodas, and shrines was a special charactcristic o f Japancsc b c lic f systcm but it also had many sim ilarities vvith thc system o f village^s lcmples, B uddhist pagodas and shrines o f ancicnt villagcs in Victnam .

V illage fcstivals and agricultural cerem o n ials w crc popular im agcs to th c people o f thc w atcr rice agriculture. T h e S h u sei festival in every Jan u ary for luckincss and good harvests in Japan was sim ilar to th e K hai ha fcstival in N orthern villages o f V ictnam ; the Shen N o n g íestival and S e kim a i festival in Apnl o f Japan w cre sim ilar to th e H a D ien ícstival in Junc o f V iem am . T he Lunar July full-m oon day for “p ard o n in g hom clcss so u ls” in V ictnam and Japan arc both C hincse original; thc N eU’ R ice íestiv al is cclcbratcd in A ugust in V ietnam and in Scptem bcr in Japan; both H otaki fcstival o f Japan and T huong D ien festival o f V ictnam are celcb ratcd in N ovcm bcr. F o r the rccovcr from natural disastcrs, both V ictnam and Japan have thcir ow n íestivais such as P raying fo r Raitì íestival in Japan o r N huong thu íestival in V ictnam .

In a nutshell, thc com parison o f villages in V ietnam and Jap an shows that villages in both countrics w cre influenced by thc agricultural land possession in the O ricntal systcm including p o ssessions o f the govcm m cnts, villages and individuals. T h e structurc, function, activity and regulation o f villages in both Victnam and Japan are sim ilar. Particularly, thc íunctions o f p roduction, reclaim ation, irrigation system im provem ent and o f fighting the outside enem ies w erc very clearly documented.

H ow ever, Japanesc villagcs since the 14*

C entu ry had a highcr autonom y and indcpcndcnce and the individualization o f agricultural land possessions sừongly d evclopcd as a rcsult o f shỏcn systcm in the m edieval history. W hercas, the govcmmental and collcctivc possessions rcm aincd in a long period, thc individual possessions w cre mainly landovvncrs and the rclationship bctwcen the landovvners and thc tenant farmcrs.

T he abovc are somc initial discussions o f the papcr in thc study o f villagcs in Japan’s shõcns in reference with villagcs in Vietnam.

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p 11 Linh / VN U Ịo u m a l o f Science, Soãnl Sciences and Humanities 25, No 5E (2(K)9) 37-45 4 5

The com parativc study o f villagcs in Jap an and V ietnam is co nsidcrcd as a highly potcntial approach. T he papcr w clcom cs com m cn ts and discussion from researchers and ihosc w ho are ìnterested in this topic.

R cíeren ces

11 ] K u n aich o , K u joke M o n ịo, D o c u m c n t N o . 64, T o k y o 1976.

[2 ] H y o g o k cn sh i h c n sh u s c n m o n iin k a i, H yogokenshi, H y o g o , 1991.

[3] C h u sc k u g cn ik i k e n k y u k a i, M asam oỉoko tahibikitsuke, l/u m i sh o in , 1996

[4] V u D u y M cn & I lo a n g M inh L oi, V illage K cg u latio n s in N o rth ern V ictn am and R c g u latio n s o f K anlo V illa g c in Japan (1 7 th

Ccntury - 19,h Ccntury), Institute of History:

H anoi 2001.

[5] T rin h C a o T u o n g , Tuteỉary G od o f Viỉlage in Vietnam a n d Shinto in Jap a n - A C om parative Study, Culturc and Intbmiation and Institute of

C u ltu rc P u b lish crs: lla n o i 2005.

[6] In stitu tc o f H isto ry , Vietnam 's Rurtiỉ in H istory, V o l. ỉ. S o cial S cicn cc P u b lish in g H ousc: Hanoi 1977.

[7 ] P h an H uy L c, In search o f Nation 's Origin, Vol.

II, T h e W o rld P u b lish in g H o u sc: H an oi 1999.

[8] N g u y cn B a H an, Q uan G ia E pitaphs, T h e VVorld P u b lish in g H o u sc : H anoi 1995.

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