CHAPTER 2.................................................................................................................................................... 10
2.12 Bereavement/mourning rituals and their psychosocial significance
From the discussion above, it is apparent that central to rites of passages is the performance of various rituals. In the case of bereavement rituals, studies emphasize that ritual performance serves various psychosocial functions (Cohen, 2002; Radcliff-Brown, 1968). Fulton and Metress (1995) add that bereavement rituals appear to provide ―formal recognition of the transition from one stage in the life cycle to another and the changed status that transition brings. In this section, the discussion focuses bereavement rituals and their psychosocial functions.
2.12.1 Cognitive value of bereavement rituals
In an attempt to bring about the integration of African grief rituals in counselling and psychotherapy, Nwoye (2000) proposed several cognitive functions of the African bereavement rituals. The African grief rituals informed by the African Traditional Religion cognitively addresses the following; a). The fact memory - the focus is on seeking clarity to the ‗what‘ happened type of questions; b). The behavioural memory - which relates to, the ‗how‘ to treat the grieving and ‗what‘ culturally must be done, in times of mourning and grief; c). The event memory - which has to do with the ‗why‘
me? or ‗why‘ me again type of questions? and, lastly; d). The prospective memories - which looks into the ‗what‘ and ‗how‘ things must be done in the absence of the deceased to continue with meaningful life (Nwoye, 2000). A study conducted amongst the bereaved Venda women in S.A, support this notion in a sense that an abnormality discourse informed how they constructed their grief experiences and the necessary bereavement rituals. And as a result, the widows used language that implicated them as not normal and in need of healing (through the performance of mourning rituals) for the injury caused by the death of their husbands (Makatu et al., 2008).
Cleansing bereavement rituals or traditional purification rituals are very common to hear of in African societies and their prime purpose is to cleanse or purify the bereaved following the pollution/contamination associated with death (Brown, 1980).
Letsosa and Semenya‘s (2011) study findings offer insight into the Basotho‟s view and function of ‗go šoma‟ (traditional rituals) and „go tloša setšhila‟ (traditional cleansing bereavement ritual). During ‗go šoma‟ a widow is made to wear-black mourning clothes for a year, while a widower wears a blue or black band around his arm which create a social identification for the mourner. The last born child bereaved of a parent wears bolokwane (traditional amulets) around the neck. Within the cultural context of the Northern Sotho community, bolokwane prevents a child from being sleepy, since it is believed that a bereaved child always becomes sleepy.
The black mourning clothes, the arm bands and the bolokwane are all sprinkled with traditional medicines before they are used in the mourning process (Semenya, 2010;
Letsosa & Semenya, 2011). Go tlosa setšhila is the last phase of grief counselling and marks the end mourning. During both ‗go šoma‟ and „go tlosa setšhila‟ a traditional healer will counsel the bereaved, more importantly, making them strong again by offering them traditional medicines and performing incisions at the joints of all the bereaved family members, followed by the application of some medicines on these cuts. While, during „go tloša setšhila‟ the black mourning clothes will be burned, marking the end of mourning and the beginning of life anew, with all sanctions uplifted for the bereaved. One limitation associated with Letsosa and Semenya‘s study is what seems to the inconsistencies with the understanding and function (or lack of significance thereof) of „go tloša setšhila‟. Another limitation of the study was that the sample size was small and comprised of the Christian Basotho people only. This meant that the results of the study could not be considered to be representative of all the Basotho people in their diverse religions.
However, the above study by Letsosa and Semenya offers insight into the therapeutic value of bereavement rituals performed during ‗go tloša setšhila‟. In essence, since the bereaved are cognitively appraised as impure and dangerous, they are cleansed from a state of being impure and dangerous to that of being pure, which makes it possible for them to be reintegrated back into the society (Letsosa &
Semenya, 2011). Like the Northern Sotho speaking people, Tanzanian widows are also cleansed of the pollution associated with death through what is known as the kilio cleansing bereavement ritual. After this cleansing ritual, the widows are considered pure and ready to be reintegrated into the society (Brown, 1980).
In African Independent churches (AICs), such as the Corinthian Church of South Africa (CCSA) and Zion Christian Church (ZCC), the use of water rituals is very common (Wepener & Müller, 2013; Müller, 2015). These rituals are also for cleansing or purification, and are performed under certain circumstances, such as for people who have attended funerals or for someone who have touched a corpse (Wepener & Müller, 2013). Such people are considered to be dirty, dangerous and,
therefore, in need of purification. They are sprinkled with water prayed for by a priest.
These rituals do not literally refer to cleansing, rather they refer to cleansing on another level, reflecting a spiritual aspect related to the people‘s belief system (Wepener & Müller, 2013). Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata (2014) have pointed out that in traditional African thought of death, the grieving process is characterized by rituals such as the bereaved family members shaving their hair off and the slaughtering of a domestic animal. A similar ritual practice has been observed by Tshoba (2014) among the Ndebele people of South Africa. Death rituals among the Northern Sotho people are a structured and collective activity that involves the co- presence of close family and extended families (Kgatla, 2014, p. 83). The cleansing rituals for the Northern Sotho people, the Tanzanian widows, CCSA and ZCC affiliates seem to address a common cognitive component; that is they address the behavioural memory which relates to ‗how‘ to treat the grieving and ‗what‘ culturally must be done, in times of mourning and grief (Nwoye, 2000).
2.12.2 Therapeutic value of bereavement rituals
Makatu et al. (2008) acknowledges that death has a negative impact on the remaining persons‘ lives, and rituals are culturally considered to have therapeutic value that assists the griever in moving on with her life. Richter (as cited in Yawa, 2010) argues that the purpose of this concentration on ritualism is to protect people from becoming absorbed emotionally. This is why Mead (1907) has long observed that ritual relevance is magnified in times of stress, uncertainty and doubt, when people need the company of others. The first phase of mourning usually begins when relatives and friends express their support by surrounding the widow immediately after the death of her husband (Dlukulu, 2010). This supports Kgatla‘s observations that among the Northern Sotho people some of the bereavement rituals performed help to enhance social support for the bereaved family in a non-disruptive and orderly way (Kgatla, 2014).
Letsosa and Semenya (2011) mention that the significance of mourning and the associated mourning rituals is for healing from grief, accepting the death and an opportunity for the bereaved to understand death. A well performed funeral service is one that aid the bereft to quickly and healthily resolve their grief and be able to assume daily duties (Kgatla, 2014). Mourning rituals, therefore, provide healing, continuity, and balance, of course, if the griever believes that there is some meaning in them (Van der Hart, 1983). In addition van Dyk (2001) states that in the black culture no emotional assistance or counselling is given to either the adult or children;
once all the burial rituals have been fulfilled the grieving process is often regarded as completed.
According to Pears (2012) the rites of passage (that is rites of purification, continuity, transition, reconciliation and affirmation) when employed in ritual therapy have the potential to tap into various domains of mental functioning and help towards healing from grief. Firstly, the rite of purification are rituals that when performed, those involved in them believe that in some mystical manner they will secure blessing, purification, protection, and prosperity. This category include rituals such as the throwing of the corn on the sides of the grave by the Northern Sotho people (Kgatla, 2014), the go ‗ntšha setšhila‟ among the Basotho (Letsosa & Semenya, 2011), and the ‗umbiyiso‟ (bringing home ceremony) and kurova Gata (the divining ceremony after death) among the Shona of Zimbabwe (Cox, 1995). These rituals are performed by the bereaved for prosperity, purification, protection and blessings respectively. Secondly, is the rite of continuity; these rituals Doka (cited in Pears, 2012) pointed out that they can be used to emphasise the continuing of the bond with the deceased, while at the same time honouring them and their life. This in effect, either consciously or subconsciously, reaffirms the deceased‘s loved one‘s continued existence and the spiritual connection with them (Pears, 2012, p. 12). The spiritual connection or continuing bond with the inner representation of the deceased is seen as a healthy coping mechanism for adjusting to loss (Pears, 2012). These category rituals will amongst others include the naming of a new-born child after the deceased (Hertz, 1960), which symbolises the resurrection of the deceased, ensuring that they are finally resting in peace, while at the same time putting to an end the death peril and taboo (Palgi & Abrahovitch, 1984).
Thirdly, Pears (2012) identified rites of transition, which are rites that are used to mark some movement or change in the grieving process. The cleansing rituals performed by the Basotho and Tanzanians will also fall under this category (Letsosa
& Semenya, 2011; Brown, 1980). These rites mark the end of mourning and serve a function of reintegrating the bereaved back into the community. Fourthly, are rites of reconciliation; these rites are performed to resolve unfinished business between the survivor and the deceased. Typical acts will be those that symbolises forgiveness such as donating money, flowers or food in someone‘s memory. And lastly, are rites of affirmation, which are a way of the bereaved of saying thank you and expressing gratitude for sharing their life with the deceased. Primarily, rituals of affirmation confirms and validates in the mind of the survivor that the loved one contributed to other‘s lives by his or presence and legacies. These rituals seem to correspond to the special asset factor emphasised in the African Grief therapy model (Nwoye, 2000). The special asset factor relates to the many gifts and instrumental support that few people in the community will offer to the bereaved family, especially people who feel that they are indebted to the deceased. These behaviours are grounded in the psychology of gratitude.
Unfortunately, western bereavement researchers and scholars have given an enormous attention to the influence of intra-psychic factors, while overlooking the healing value of mourning rituals, over the course of grief and mourning (Nwoye, 2005). It is in this regard that Nwoye states that from an African orientation the grief process focuses on the spiritual/systemic/interactional nature of healing in grieving and the resources (included are bereavement rituals) which the community makes available to the bereaved. The use of cultural mourning rituals for healing are significant and it is important for practitioners to understand their importance to the patient‘s psychological adjustment and also understanding the associated meanings or beliefs attached to them (Parkes, Lungani & Young, 1997). The understanding and inclusion of bereavement rituals in grief work will facilitate rituals that enhance healing, not minimise cultural beliefs and customs, redefine the view people attach to them, and value their significance to the mourning process (Makatu et al., 2008).
2.12.3 Social value of bereavement rituals
Healing from any affliction, including bereavement is a communal activity among Africans (Nwoye, 2005). It is in this regard that healing from grief is not only limited to the immediate family members, but it is extended to the community as a whole. This is supported by Kgatla (2014) by highlighting that by participating in rituals of death, the community is structured into a stereotyped activity which is manipulated to serve the common cause, rather than an individual agenda. For instance community members provide labour such as pitching of the tent, cooking and baking, assisting with buying groceries and other errands while the church leaders provide psycho- spiritual support (Setsiba, 2012). On the other hand people attending a funeral among the Northern Sotho people wash their hands in water treated with herbs by a traditional healer to cleanse themselves from any traces of death (Kgatla, 2014).
Cox (1995) also observed that death rituals among the Shona people of Zimbabwe are executed systematically, with various roles and responsibilities allocated to specific people. For instance, in this particular community, the elders of the deceased‘s family report the death to the community chief. This reflects an order of society which has parallels to the spirit world. In addition, the deceased‘s body is treated with caution, respect and great care. This signals that in its current state it can be dangerous, because the spirit is not yet an ancestor and thus represents a potentially harmful-force. It is in this regard that Cox (1995, p. 342), maintains that if proper procedures are not carried out, the harmful power of the unsettled spirit could be released and to the detriment of the bereaved family and the community at large.
Another ritual performed by the Shona people is that of collecting two small stones by the bereaved family on their way to the grave side. The coffin is sealed with soil and saliva from the elder, but a hole is left at the top of the grave into which the family members deposit the collected two stones each. The grave will then be sealed and swept with a branch from a tree. Cox gives an explanation for this practice.
Firstly, the sealing and sweeping of the grave is commonly done to make sure that the body doesn't get attacked by witches. Secondly, the stones represent a symbolic connection with the family, which both protects the grave against witches and holds
a promise for the return of the spirit to the homestead. According to (Yanklowitz, 2012) the following are the primary effects of bereavement rituals:
Rituals of death have a transformative character, and function to integrate people‘s beliefs around a singular purpose.
Bereavement rituals simplify complex and anomalous conditions into a simplified and straight forward habituation.
These rituals protect the norms and ideals of a society at a difficult time for those facing life-challenges and in time of uncertainty.
The rituals also serve a therapeutic role, by enabling the management of emotions of the troubled during a time of transition.
The rituals offer an explanation of persistence of religious traditions in the face of the destructive forces and distortions due to outside influences.
The points highlighted above by Yanklowitz (2012) reveal that bereavement rituals work interdependently in addressing the various psychosocial needs of the bereaved and the community at large during the time of distress.