with challenges of urbanisation, caused by global economic restrictions. This has a negative bearing on the economic opportunities, which lead to prosperity, for the majority of citizens.
A decent shelter is essential to the physical and psychological well-being, as well as the social stability of communities. However, the never-ending uninterrupted urbanisation in the developing world generates a huge deficiency in reasonably priced housing, especially for families of low earners. The shortage of housing choices for the growing urban population has driven the ever-increasing number of people into shelters in the growing of informal settlements in many cities, large and small (Struyk & Giddings, nd). Ilesanmi (2010) further attest that higher rates of in-migration aggravated results in a number of urban population difficulties such as unemployment, inadequate housing, food and water supply, pollution, traffic problems – as challenges of delivering public transportation and other infrastructure continues to grow (Ilesanmi, 2010).
Thus, the provision of housing in most developing countries has always faced a number of challenges. There has been a need for the provision of decent, affordable housing, mostly in developing regions. These countries have been experiencing rapid and unending urbanisation,
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which has led to increased populations in cities, because of migration from rural to urban areas.
This has led a situation where most areas in cities deteriorated into slums and informal settlements (United Nations, 2012). The United Nations (1999) identifies the following common obstacles, that obstruct advancement towards better-quality housing for the poor and low-income earners: low levels of economic growth; absent or ineffective housing policies;
imbalances in financial assistance; insecure land title or occupancy rights; lack of access to housing finance; high building costs and shortages of materials and disasters (UN-Habitat for Humanity, 1999; Ingram, 1987).
Informal settlement dwellers in cities in developing regions also struggle with tenure insecurity.
The undefined legal status, coupled with the possibility that they could be evicted, make families living in these informal sector dwellings reluctant to renovate their houses, notwithstanding the obvious benefits of the improved quality of live. Those who are renting the buildings constitute a substantial percentage of the slum dwellers, and have less security as compared to those who own buildings (Tshikotshi, 2009). Policymakers who aim at making city dwellers cope with changes brought by urbanisation should have a clear understanding of housing demand and supply circumstances in their respective cities. Effective policies should include provisions regarding how markets allocate resources to housing, and how homeowners and renters access the dwellings. This also involves developers and their contribution, as well as the response of contractors to housing development. Government plays an important role in regulating and providing either actions, which stimulates or constraints housing market activities (Ingram, 1987). The UN for Humanity (1999) identified the following challenges in addressing urban growth.
2.8.1. Absent or inappropriate housing policies
Housing policies require a definite property rights and operational legal frameworks for housing finance, and above all, political will from the government of the day and community involvement. Municipalities should also define their property rights and facilitate the transfer of property by promulgating and enforcing laws. In developing countries customs, defining property rights may hamper commercial and residential land use. (Ingram, 1987). This leads to unequal participation and the inconsistent application of the law, with some groups being barred from participating in urban development. If countries want to implement housing policies, they need to invest wisely in infrastructure as it enhances the quality of life of citizens (UN-Housing for Humanity, 1999).
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2.8.2. Imbalances in the assistance given to urban and rural areas
According to United Nations (1999) argue that perceived or actual imbalance in assistance given to urban and rural dwellers reflects the failure of governments and donors to roll out developments initiatives, in urban areas. The appalling living circumstances in rural areas are generally less noticeable, because housing policies or programmes often overlook the needs of rural dwellers, because rural areas are not part of urban conglomerates. Rural-urban migration goes hand in hand with operational changes in the economy, resulting in the transfer of labour from the agricultural sector to the industrial and service sectors in urban areas (Wang, Xingilang, Bo & Haitao, (2014). These operational changes in the economy cause a change in energy use in urban areas. Production tends to shift from low-energy intensity agricultural production to the high-energy intensity in the services sector (Madlener & Sunak, 2011).
Difficulties in providing adequate housing in urban areas are compounded by the fact that local government does not get support from national and multilateral organisations, as well as donors (UN Habitat for Humanity, 1999). In most developing countries urbanisations is complemented by an increasing number of developing megacities – however, these do not bring economic development. This means that most developing megacities are characterised by quantitative growth rather than qualitative growth. This leads to increasing slums and informal settlements, with an increasing importance of the informal economy (Madlener & Sunak, 2011). Madlener and Sunak further acknowledge that developing countries are faced with a daunting task of ensuring reliable access to basic services, while it is expected at the same time that they would ensure sustainable development, while it is clear that they cannot achieve this development, as they lack proper urban planning and environmental awareness.
2.8.3. Insecure land title limits investment
There are two major components of security of tenure: firstly, the sensible duration of rights which are appropriate to the use of land and the societal needs of the land user and secondly, the effective legal securities against evictions, which are associated with enforceable guarantees and remedies against the loss of rights (UN-Habitat, 2011). The security of tenure emphasis the agreement between the individual and residential property, this agreement is governed and regulated by the legal and administrative frameworks. This ensures the recognition of the right to access and use of land, which is guided by regulations (Payne, Lasserve & Payne, 2012). The value of the security of tenure lies in making land investment
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more secure, providing a vase against which the poor can raise loan finance, promoting the official inclusion of the previously disadvantaged, triggering the provision of services, establishing a tax-collection base, integrating informal housing into the financial land markets, and providing sustainable protection against eviction (Urban Land Mark, 2010). The New Urban Agenda (2016) states thus that countries should commit in promoting at all appropriate level by ensuring security of tenure for all. This should be done by multiplicity of tenure types which is appropriate for purpose and environmentally reactive to the solutions of land and property rights through effective administrative systems
2.8.3.1. Types of tenures 2.8.3.1.1. Customary tenure
This type of tenure system is applicable in certain parts of Africa, and has evolved largely from agrarian societies, where competition for land was limited. At that time, no economic value was attached to land, but survival depended upon careful use of the land to ensure an environmental stability (Payne, 2001). In these parts of the continent, land was regarded as sacred consecrated, and the role of human beings was one of stewardship. One of the characteristics of the customary tenure of land is that community leaders according to the needs of the people, rather than affordability payments determine the transfers (UN-Habitat, 2011).
2.8.3.1.2. Private tenure
According to Payne (2001), people recognise the ideas of public land rights to a certain extent.
All rights in socialist countries are conferred to the state, while in capitalist countries these restrictions are narrowed to a variety of public requirements.
2.8.3.1.3. Religious land tenure systems
According to the United Nations (1973: Vol 37) as cited in Payne (2001:417), Islamic society believes that land is held for God. The land controlled by the state carries certain rights whilst communal land slowly come to a close to be a main issue under the requirement by land registries that ownership of land parcels has to be proven (Payne, 2001: 417).
2.8.3.1.4. Non-formal tenure categories
It includes a wide variety of groups with fluctuating degrees of legitimacy such as legalised and un-regularised squatting, unofficial subdivisions on legally owned and numerous systems of informal rental arrangements (Payne, 2001). The United Nations (2011) asserts that the main
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characteristics of non-formal tenure include the risk of evictions, exposure to corrupt practices, plots that are situated in hazardous locations, and inadequate shelter. The non-formal categories include squatting, which is a result of inadequate public allocation systems or commercial markets. These markets have failed to cater for the necessities of the underprivileged and functioned on a socially determined basis. Payne, Lasserve and Payne (2012) reaffirm that insecure tenure results in illegal occupations rather than other forms of legal occupation. In some cases, these illegal occupations result in the evictions for the urban poor. Payne (1989) as cited in Payne (2001) further asserts that demand can increase to a level where informal categories become commercialised (Payne, 2001).
2.8.4. Lack of access to finance
Access to financial services encourages freedom and self-development of disadvantaged families and small and medium entrepreneurs. The provision can enhance the economic conditions of the poor, enhancing their quality of life during times of doubt. It ensures the participation of the poor in a wider economic life and allows them to play a role in large communities (Sjauw-Koen-Fa & Vereijken 2005).
2.8.5. High building costs
Finance-constrained nations in developing countries contend with high road construction costs.
Meanwhile, an efficient network results in reduced conflicts by raising the opportunity cost, as well as better-quality economic outcomes through better connectivity (Collier, Kirchberber &
Soderbomb, 2013). According to Erb (2015), all role players should work together to ensure successful and affordable housing development these are constructors and property managers, owners of land, local governments as a developer, shareholders, suppliers, financial institutions and the affected communities. As a result, as these role players engage on a project, they often come with a set of contradictory programmes and incentives (Erb, 2015).
2.8.6. Civil conflict and violence
The World Bank (2011) acknowledges the fact that conflict in developing countries is sparkled by the fact the people live in conditions that are even now conflict-ridden, with most of these conditions lagging behind on procedures to reduce poverty and other developmental consequences. According to Varshney (2002) there are two institutions desired at national level in all at-risk developing countries. Both are intended to make sure that the contradictory underlying forces of development policies are recognised, and that information about the
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insinuations of these conflicts reach the relevant policy makers. In the case of civil wars, the state not only gives up the principle of impartiality, but it either becomes vigorously involved, or is physically unable to arbitrate between two armed groups fighting each other (Varshney, 2002).
2.8.7. Frequent natural disasters
Lukamba, (2010) argues that natural disasters undermine economic survival of poor communities in developing countries. These countries throughout the continent have experienced these disasters, which have killed thousands and caused injuries to many others.
2.8.8. Planning for Resilience
World Bank Group (2015) acknowledges that a city is resilient if it meets the qualities listed below. The following qualities according to the World Bank describe how a city can use its physical assets, human behaviour, network systems and institutional processes.
2.8.8.1. Robust
A structure is robust if it is well considered, erected and manage physical assets such that they endure the influences of disappointments without meaningful damage of function. It should be designed in such a way that it can anticipate disasters, and should ensure that disasters are projected. The system should also be operated and maintained in a proper manner to ensure its effectiveness (World Bank, 2015).
2.8.8.2. Redundant
Different approaches should be used as back-ups in order to deal with disruptions and extreme pressures. If there are disturbances experienced in network, another can be used during extreme pressures (World Bank, 2015).
2.8.8.3. Reflective
According to Ingram (1987), executing urban systems should be based on how efficient they were in the past, so that new information is revised, centred on evidence rather that permanent solutions, based on the status quo. This emphasises how important it is for people and institutions to interrogate new information and methodically study from their experiences, and use these to enlighten forthcoming decision-making.
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Knowledge should be collective, planning coordinated collaborated and strategic decisions based on investment in city systems and agencies. This can assist institutions to move towards attaining collective results. Sharing information enables institutions to function collectively in order to respond by giving feedback through networks in the cities loops occurring in cities (Ingram, 1987).
2.8.8.5. Inclusivity
Inclusivity identifies dangers that are perceived otherwise by different stakeholders, as well as the surprises and tensions, which affect the most vulnerable. It contributes to a sense of shared ownership or a joint vision necessary to build a resilient city. Cities should consult and engage with stakeholders, including the most vulnerable groups. This will ensure that systems are most resilient and consider different groups prone to vulnerability, risk management capacities, as well as localised information (World Bank, 2015).