D ISCUSSIDII I F CEIITRIl RIIIIIIIS
In order to draw final conclusions on tbe strength of the conceptual chain linking youth identity, fictional television programmes and memory. it is necessary to return to the original hypotheses of the study and weigh their validity in light of the theoretical context and qualitative findings. This critical synthesis will evaluate whether or not South African youth remember that which directly affirms or contradicts their lived experience (H,) and whether fictional programmes impact youth identity through a direct link between memory selection, interaction and application (H]). The evaluation of these hypotheses leads to the primary finding and conclusion of the study. Only with this contextual analysis in view can parents, educators, media scholars and community leaders chart a way forward in the larger dialogue regarding youth and the impact of the media.
Several of the study findings indicate young people recall fictional episodes that strike a personal chord. These trends speak to the salience of the first hypothesis (HI
r
that South African youth remember that which directly affinns or contradicts their lived experience. First, let us deal with the affmnation of lived experience. The finding that young people are more likely to recall age-relevant material points to the importance of the peer network in adolescence and early adulthood and focuses on the socially
identifiable 'in-group.' These factors indicate scenes featuring characters close in age and in familiar social situations, affinn young people's lived experience and are therefore more likely to be recal1ed. Similarly, fictional moments featuring relationship-related material is also more likely to be recalled. For example, one 17-year-old participant recalled watching soap operas because it taught her "bow to treat (ber family] and how to treat [her future husband]" (Pambhili; 15 March 2000). Finally, the finding that most directly relates to an affinnation of lived experience is the recall of personally meaningful fictional episodes. When the images in the television screen complement the events in a young person's real-life, the result is a lasting autobiographical memory. Based on the fact that youth are more likely to remember age-relevant, relationship-related and
personally meaningful fictional episodes, this study's qualitative findings support the fact that South African youth tend to remember that which directly affinns their lived
expenence.
The evidence supporting the negation of lived experience is less conclusive.
While many focus group panicipants reported remembering scenes that were out-of-the- ordinary, such as the death ofa character, (M.L. Sultan Technikon; 8 March 2000) or a lesbian kiss (University of Natal, Durban; II April 2000), none linked surprising
memories to their personal experience. Schema theory provides an explanation for why young people recall scenes that affinn their lived experiences, but seem to cast away episodes that negate their realities. As noted earlier, schema theory holds that what we remember is influenced by what we already know. An adolescent is more likely to recall a scene featuring a drug overdose if she has already been taught that drugs are harmful and dangerous. Whereas ifshe has been introduced to the 'drug culture' by her fiiends, she is a) less likely to pay attention to the message; and b) even less likely to remember it. Erikson's (1968) description of youth identity may also lend insight into this
phenomenon. He established that approval and reinforcement are particularly important in adolescence and early adulthood. Based on this insight, it seems highly unlikely youth would seek out or recall images that negate their experience or identity. In the end, there is strong evidence suggesting young people recall fictional programmes that affinn their lived experience, but none to assert the converse-that young people recall that which negates their lived experience-holds true.
The second hypothesis (H,) held that fictional programmes impact youth identity through a direct 1ink between memory selection, interaction and application. As noted in chapter three, while relationships conclusively can be drawn between fictional
programmes and memory selection, interaction and application, it is not clear what role these memories play in the overall identity negotiation of young people. Halbwachs (I 952) and collective memory theory maintains "we preserve memories of each epoch in our lives, and these are continually reproduced; through them, as by a continual
relationship, a sense of our identity is perpetuated"(Coser, 1992: 47). As established in the theoretical overview, there is an intuitive connection between what we remember and
who we are. The question that remains is how much of what young people remember is comprised of fictional programmes?
Focus group participants contextualised the impact of fictional programmes over and over again by pointing out that from a very young age they were able to make the distinction between reality and make-believe. Smiso, a 16-year-old, said that he did not think what he remembered from television impacted who he is as a person because
"many of the programmes on TV, [he] knows are not really true" (Pambbili; 15 March
2000). Others commented that they believe their memories ofTIon-fictional programmes impact them more than those of fictional programmes. And while some seemed
concerned about the potential for copycat violence in shows like the Mighty Morphin Power Rangers and Yizo Yizo, the majority professed they would not be so easily
influenced or take such extreme measures. Alicia, 20, expressed this best when refuting the point that teenage girls may be prone to starving themselves to look like Ally McSeal or other television icons. She said:
we're at that age where we're pretty much established IlS a person, and maybe you'll draw from things [ ... ]but [don't think [ would go to the extent of starving myself for two weeks to look like her because [ actually don't think she looks very nice (University of Natal, Durban; 11 April 2000).
Although Alicia's notion of identity is slightly more static than the one established here, her conclusion that television is not the primary source of identity infonnation for most of her peers is well taken. Other focus group participants commented that they did not believe their memories of fictional programmes impacted their identity to a great degree because TV was not "the center of their lives" (Crawford College; 20 April 2000).
Niven, 17, said, "[ don't agree with setting your life around TV, there's just so [many]
other things to do" (Crawford College; 20 April 2000). Thus, the voice of young people affinns that the degree to which memories of fictional programmes impact youth identity is in direct proportion to the role television plays in the individual's life.
In order to highlight the primary finding of this study, we must return to the youth media involvement matrix (FIGURE 2). I contend the failing of most media scholars is tbat they focus their attention too narrowly on the aspects of television selection,
interaction and application, at the cost of placing it realistically within the larger context
of lived experience, The findings and discussion above suggest that for most youth, television and their memories of fictional programmes act as only one of the many influencers of their identity. This is why it was necessary to represent the lines between selection. interaction and application as non-static vectors (or doned lines}-like identity and collective memory they too change within the negotiated space of life. With the changing length of these lines comes a change in the physical and influential space fictional programmes take up in the total universe of an individual's lived experience.
The only unchanging factor in this transitive process is the centrality of identity.
Therefore, my primary argument is that, while memories o/fictional programmes do impact the identity o/young people, it must be viewed within the larger context o/lived experience.
Gillian, 18, eloquently summarised the impact memories of fictional television have on her life by saying
if I watch a show like Knight Rider say, it will remind me of the fact that when I was small I wanted to drive a fast car, right.
But it doesn't change the fact that I always loved cars, that was there already, Jt'sjust a reminder (University of Natal, Durban;
II April 2000).
Thus, based on a theoretical and qualitative investigation, it seems that the largest realm of influence memories of fictional programmes have on the identity formation of youth is incorporation-ubuilding on existing attitudes, feelings and prior learning" (Steele &
Brown, 1995: 559). The partial hypothesis that South African youth remember that which affirms their lived experience seems to have a greater impact on the identity- formation process than initially suspected. The importance of the total universe of lived experience can not be over-emphasised. Of course there are those young people for whom television comprises a great deal of their lived experience or who recaH fictional programmes that affirm their already negative or violent personal experiences. This represents grounds for additional intensive study, However, for most youth, memories of fictional programmes are placed within the broader context of their lived experience in which peers, parents, educators and other community members play a significant role (albeit an ever tempered role in the young person's continued search for independence,) Therefore, if we truly wish to impact the identity formation of young people we would be
well-advised to deal both with everyday experience and its contributing component- fictional programmes, but to do so in a way that puts fictional programmes into its proper context.