Figure 33: The Organized Growth of Curitiba
Source: Burgess and Ordiz, 2010
4.1.2.2 BRT and Curitiba Corridor Development Initiatives
The revised plan revolutionized the city and in 1970, new zoning regulations reinforced the linear structure by promoting residential and commercial densification along the mass transport corridors.
Furthermore, the most significant change was in 1974, which resulted in the implementation of a road hierarchy, land control and development of the BRT system, which fulfilled a central role in the overall masterplan. The masterplan included a radial expansion of the city along five corridors along structural axes. Five major arterials integrated land use, transport and protected the traditional central city as depicted in Figure 34. More importantly, planners recognized the critical role of transportation in the future growth of the city. Wright (2005) explained that under the innovative leadership of Mayor Jaime Lerner the process of the busway corridors emanating from the city centre was implemented.
The layout of the Curitiba bus system included five radial corridors emanating from the city core, with fifty-seven kilometres of exclusive bus ways and three hundred and forty kilometres of feeder services.
The new plan departed from the traditional core-periphery model and proposed that all of Curitiba’s
buildings be located along the five transportation axes that converged on the city centre from the north, south, southeast, east and west. In the 1990’s visits of technical teams from other cities such as Bogota (Columbia) and Los Angeles (United States of America) to Curitiba served as a catalyst to replicate similar systems. Cervero (2006) mentioned that cities such as Curitiba in Brazil and Ottawa in Canada stand out, as good examples where the bus based mass transit system can be successful provided. It is linked to strategic, forward-looking, intelligent planning. Other cities like Brisbane one of Australia’s fastest growing cities were also attempting to implement the bus rapid transit to shape their city growth in this time.
Figure 34: Radial and Circular Routes
Source: Pienaar, Krynauw and Perold, 2005
Lindau, Hidalgo and Facchini (2010) indicated that Curitiba was the only city in Brazil that directed growth through land use, transportation and environmental preservation integration. Whilst cities such as Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Recife and others used state funding for bus systems, Curitiba used the investment on busway-transportation corridors to direct growth. Furthermore, in contrast to Curitiba their bus systems were implemented in isolation from a coherent system of regulations, comprehensive long term planning and land use strategies, which as a result led to limited success. In 1970, the Institute for Research and Urban Planning of Curitiba implemented the bus system, which through its
ultimate success obtained status as the first full BRT system in the world. In 1990, a legally binding agreement was drawn up between the State of Parana and the city that empowered the Urban Development Authority of Curitiba to plan and manage transportation modes for the entire metropolitan area. Hence, an integrated approach was introduced as the result of cooperation between the Institute and the Urban Development Authority. The former agency consolidated urban plans, programs and projects for various administrative units of Curitiba. The latter dealt with the planning and controlling of transit/transportation played a central role in the traffic and urban planning sectors.
Curitiba therefore stands out as an iconic city for urban planners that represents a rare case where the implementation of plans surpassed political administrations.
Plate 3: Corridor Development: Arrangement of Structural Axes
Source: Lindau, Hidalgo and Facchini, 2010
As illustrated in Plate 3 above and Figure 31 below the parallel streets are dedicated to high-speed traffic providing movement in one direction to the city centre and suburbs. As can be seen in Figure 31, the corridor has a specific design quality with high-density developments along corridors decreasing to neighbouring blocks further away from the trinary transportation system. Side blocks are zoned for
mixed uses but at a lower density, allowing less intensive uses. The influence of the transect design is evident with land uses and intensity decreasing from the edge of the corridor into the surrounding urban fabric until the traditional neighbourhood structure is reached. This is a concept that proved successful over time with the full BRT system having taken over thirty years to develop.
Figure 35: BRT Corridor Scheme
Source Duarte and Ultramari, 2012
Herbst (1992) stated that the city introduced an auto-free downtown pedestrian lane in a 17 block area and a 24-hour street comprising of an enclosed alley lined with shops and the bus system that was refined by a 3-tiered system with the following characteristics:-
Commuters could transfer without charge between the red express that ran along the axes to the yellow feeder buses that circulated to the outlying districts and the green inter-district buses travelling along the concentric circles to outlying areas as depicted in Figure 32. The diagram shows the graphic image of the radial and circular routes between 8-12km long radiating outward from the CBD;
An express line was connected to the two universities and coastal beaches;
A computerised traffic control system gave preference to the buses;
Two hundred and seventy passenger buses and express routes were developed covering thirty four miles or fifty five kilometres;
A hundred tubular bus stations were constructed which enabled passengers pay their fees at a turnstile located at the end of the tube. Once a ticket was purchased a user could wait inside for another bus which they entered from sliding doors; and,
A computerised system was installed that calculated the number of passengers waiting for transportation and could dispatch additional buses if necessary.
The BRT system proved to be cost effective with its construction being completed in approximately six months. In financial terms, the construction of a subway of similar complexity would have cost three times the cost. Lerner, the former mayor has confirmed that the BRT system transported approximately 1.3 million passengers per day with less cost. Commuters using the new system spent only 10% of their monthly income on transport, which was cheap in the city of Brazil.
Figure 36: The Bus Route System
Source: Pienaar, Krynauw and Perold, 2005
4.1.2.3 Successful Elements and Lessons for Practice
A number of other BRT systems constructed elsewhere in the world have benefitted from experiences of Curitiba. It has provided useful lessons and has served as catalytic example promoting the corridor development concept. Pienaar, Krynauw & Perold (2005) emphasize that the BRT system was introduced during a political era characterised by a unitary autocratic government (1964-1988) which
was thereafter followed by a democratic system of government. Lindau, Hidalgo and Facchini (2010) stated that the success of Curitiba could be attributed in part to a mixture of an autocratic political leadership approach, innovation, pragmatism, technocracy and continuity. In the first phases of development, a number of difficult decisions had to be made concerning the BRT. Some of these were unpopular with local businesses and communities. In the later stages, a more participatory process could be engaged. The success of the BRT system can be attributed to the following factors:-
I. Strong Political Will and Leadership
According to Herbst (2005), Lerner was a dynamic, charismatic visionary, political champion who was creative, innovative and determined to promote Curitiba’s growth and development by finding creative solutions to urban problems. He acquired the necessary education, training, skills and experience and was then employed as an architect by the city in 1965 and later as planning consultant (1980’s). He was first appointed as Mayor in 1971 under Brazil’s military dictatorship who waged a campaign to reconstruct Curitiba. In the 1970’s his radical approach involved the restructuring of the planning department into a multidisciplinary team of urban planners, architects, engineers, economists, sociologists and archaeologists. By 1979, he was appointed for the second term and served a third term from 1988 onwards under the new democratic regime. Of importance was that his planning was linked to and based on an annual dedicated budget of two hundred and fifty million dollars.
II. Control of Urban Growth through the Implementation of a Master Plan
Rabinovitch (1996) highlighted that Learners approach required the decongestion of central area and preservation of historical legacy. Specific land use controls limited high-density growth in the city centre and pushed growth into corridors, which eased congestion and facilitated the pedestrianisation of streets. Demographic control and management was pursed through layout of corridors that followed demographic growth. Economic support has reinforced urban development since it was supported by infrastructural improvement. Radial growth was changed to linear design. Corridors functioned as high- density pathways for both transport, circulation and settlement growth.
III. Effective Institutional Arrangements
In order to implement the corridor design the Curitiba Municipality took on the role as the law enforcement authority tasked with both development and regularisation. In some instances, this required taking unpopular decisions. Rabinovitch (1996) outlined that the land use control policies involved changes in land use legislation, which occurred incrementally. They were designed to respond
to realities on the ground. An example of this proactive approach was the introduction of fifth corridor, which responded to an unpredicted demographic change and a demand for low to medium income housing and small-scale commercial facilities in the higher income areas. In response, planning legislation was amended to include a mix of residential and small-scale commercial uses in these areas.
IV. The Integration of Transportation Planning, Land Use Management and Legislation
In line with the multi-disciplinary approach used in Curitiba, an integrated urban management strategy was employed. Transportation planning, and use management and the legislative framework were regarded as mutually supporting sectors, which utilised complementary tools to guide city growth (Rabinovitch, 1996). Corridors redirected settlement growth out of city centre thus creating a more even population distribution. This strategy alleviated traffic congestion and noise pollution whilst simultaneously creating right densities and thresholds to support public transportation. Transportation planning was not isolated from other disciplines. Land use controls targeted the optimal type of mixed land use (residential, commercial, industrial,) to support activity corridors. Densities varied in relation to transportation routes and with road hierarchy (e.g. floor area ratios diminished the further the site was from public transport). The trinary road system consisted of dedicated bus lanes, and dedicated cycle paths and was complimented by adjacent pedestrian streets that facilitated mobility of both motorised and non-motorised transportation.
V. Housing Projects integrated places of Work-Live-Play
Rabinovitch (1996) points out that the city acquired vacant land along the corridors long before development occurred and built subsidized low-income housing, which was located along the transport routes and in close proximity to industrial developments. This reduced the time and costs of travel and integrated low income into the economy and culture of the larger city through mobility and accessibility.
VI. Efficient and Affordable Public Transport
Part of the success of the BRT system was its appeal in meeting their needs and thus people supported it (Rabinovitch, 1996). With one ticket, passengers could make multiple transfers. The system was operated by ten bus companies with no government subsidies but with guidance from the municipality.
Private companies were not paid for number of passengers but by the mileage covered following pre- planned routes and schedules. The BRT reduced traffic congestion in the city centre, which reinforced other modes of transport such as walking and cycling. The pedestrian streets were linked to squares parks, green areas, social facilities and other activities. Bus terminals were supported by lighting, kiosks,
landscaping and amenities. The system was supported by signage, visible routes, maps and lighting that assisted in the creation of a user friendly, multi- modal system.
VII. Comprehensive Recycling programs:
Gustafsson and Kelly (2012) indicated that Curitiba’s recycling program promoted job creation and social inclusion. Residents were paid by manufacturing companies for their garbage collection. Almost seventy percent garbage is recycled instead of being incinerated which reduces municipal costs.
Furthermore, whilst residents are required to pay for garbage collection similar to electricity and water charges, recyclable materials such as organic waste, glass, plastic and metal that are properly packaged are paid for by manufacturing companies. These companies also create jobs for the homeless, low income and substance abuse individuals on rehabilitation programs. The initiative has benefitted sixty impoverished communities and thirty one thousand families. Due to the many benefits, other cities in the western world such as Washington DC have been inspired to adopt and implement Curitiba’s recycling program.
4.1.3 The Ankara Development Corridor, Turkey