In keeping with a case study approach of conducting research, I kept a very close proximity to Abahlali’s everyday life and experience. In order to ensure qualitative data, I relied primarily on interviews with key participants, textual resources such as Abahlali’s press statements and articles, observations during meetings and workshops, their website, and dissertations and books that have been written on Abahlali.
This in line with what Merriam (2009) argues about qualitative data collection:
Qualitative data consist of “direct quotations from people about their experiences, opinions, feelings, and knowledge” obtained through interviews; “detailed descriptions of people’s activities, behaviors, actions” recorded in observations; and “excerpts, quotations, or entire passages” extracted from various types of documents (Patton, 2002, p.4). (Merriam, 2009, p. 85)
Seeing that this study has a particular bias towards knowledge production and learning outside formal or mainstream education, I came to terms with the fact that the study is about researching from the margins, as Kirby and McKenna (1989) express it. Therefore data collection and interviews were more about seeking to “understand perceptions of participants and their understanding of their social reality” (Kirby & McKenna, 1989, p. 122). In the sections below I discuss how each of the methods used was useful in this study.
4.6.1 Document review
In line with conducting a case study on Abahlali, I read extensively about Abahlali, and considered both literature about Abahlali (as covered in Chapter Two) and documents produced by the movement itself. According to Mertens (cited in Thapliyal, 2006), documents and records are an important part of an organisation and society’s history and current status.
I considered a range of documents including press statements, position papers, the movement’s constitution, and so on. A particularly useful document was Living Learning (Figlan et al, 2009), a booklet that is a record of discussions among six militants who were students doing the Certificate in Education Participatory Development course (CEPD) at the Centre for Adult Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal. Living Learning was a monthly reflection discussion that the militants used to make connections between their experience at university and their experience in the movement. Participants were from the Rural Network, a movement that works mainly with rural communities who are resisting farm evictions, and fighting for security of tenure in KwaZulu-Natal, and from Abahlali.
The process and publication were referred to as ‘living learning’ because they are rooted in the ongoing real life experience of resisting oppression and ongoing struggle for social change, at the same time making use of the CEPD course to draw on useful theories that can enhance inbuilt intellect that militants continued to demonstrate. Since Living Learning was a clear and deliberate act to own pedagogy in such a way that allowed militants to produce their own knowledge, I found this document incredibly useful because it allowed me to consider their process of learning, as they reflected on it themselves.
4.6.2 Semi-structured interviews
As stated by Terreblanche and Durrheim (1999), interviews give us an opportunity to “know people better and allow us to understand how they think and feel” (p. 132). They suggest that single person interviews provide an in-depth insight of the situation, but at the same time rely on trust built between the interviewer and the interviewee. Explaining how interviews work, Terreblanche and Durrheim (1999) argue that single open-ended interviews work best as they are not structured, too closed and leading (p. 132). Babbie (2013) argues that “the design in qualitative interviews is iterative”, and that “the nature of qualitative interviewing means that the questioning is redesigned throughout the project” (p. 346). What this suggests is the skill of learning to listen. As Kirby and McKenna (1989) put it, “listening means not to be afraid of silence” (p. 122). Harley (2012a) adds to this, saying that the most important thing is
“learning how to ask” (p. 32).
I conducted eight interviews with key members of Abahlali. The interviews cut across gender, age and members’ period of participation in Abahlali, and I ensured that participants were drawn from different informal settlements in the Durban area. In doing interviews I was mindful of the danger that Kirby and McKenna (1989) warn against. They say that participants are neither passive nor subordinate. In fact the research participants have relevance and significance to the study. They write:
…you are researching how participants view their experience and the experience of others...what is important is their perception of their experience. (p. 115)
Therefore, I used purposive sampling (Dattalo, 2010) in selecting eight participants on the basis that they are diverse in terms of the period of involvement and learning experience in Abahlali. Furthermore, their gender and age also to enabled this study to get a balanced and an in-depth reflection on what they think contributes to knowledge that is produced within Abahlali. I used open-ended questions with very little structure. I designed interviews to be conversational to allow members to talk freely and give critique of the movement where necessary.
4.6.3 Participant observation
According to Mouton (cited in Endreson, 2010) participant observation fits within a
qualitative research approach since it aims at providing an in-depth description of a group or community. I chose participant observation because it allowed me to be involved in the life of Abahlali and participate in collective discussions. As indicated in Endresen (2010), the major aim of participant observation is to “enter the subjective worlds of those studied and to see these worlds from their point of view” (p. 87).
My own experience provides basis for data as I personally worked with Abahlali for eight years and there is enough basis for trust from both sides. I am able to move across settlements and talk to members of the movement. As mentioned above, over the years I participated in most Abahlali activities such as bi-weekly meetings, committee meetings, night camps and festivals - all potential spaces for critical reflection.
For the purpose of this research I visited eight settlements around Clare Estate, Pinetown, KwaMashu, Howick, Lamontville and Reservoir Hills. I participated in meetings and other events which included protest marches, picketing, seminars, etc. I visited some people in their homes and participated in rituals, ceremonies and funerals. I also visited the office of
Abahlali when there were formal and informal meetings. All these moments were useful for this study as they gave adequate insights about the world of Abahlali - that which informs their politics and their theory of change. However, I am mindful of the caution that is raised by Marshall cited in Endresen (2010, p.87), that there is a methodological challenge of balancing adequate subjectivity and adequate objectivity. I deal with this issue further below.