money where possible (Naidu & Harris, 2006). Since the beginning of the HIV/AIDS epidemic there has been a significant increase in family and community support (Akintola, 2008). However, connections to such networks and social support may be restricted as a result of stigma (Akintola, 2008).
Caregiving in itself may reduce or even completely prevent the ability of caregivers to attend or participate in social activities (Akintola, 2008); places where social networking is done.
Social networks also provide for an alternative place to send children who can no longer be looked after by those who they currently reside with because of HIV/AIDS (Steinberg, Johnson, Schierhout & Ndegwa, 2002). However, in areas where economic heterogeneity is increasing, social networks may become strained as issues such as jealousy arise from perceived socioeconomic inequality (Thomas, 2007).
them (Portes, 1998). Furthermore, in resource poor and socially disadvantaged settings, individuals are dependent on Social Capital to meet material as well as emotional needs. Interruptions in the resources available to individuals – through time-space dislocation – and instability of social networks, result in an inability to provide needed resources for urgent as well as ongoing needs. These lead to searches for new sources of Social Capital, which are limited to settings where stigma does not negatively affect access to such (Takahashi & Magalong, 2008).
In light of the above, when considering the community of KwaNgcolosi it becomes apparent that the information currently available regarding HIV/AIDS is redundant, common to members within this community, and that Social Capital is required for both emotional and material needs of people living with HIV/AIDS in this community. Additionally, Destructive Social Capital is significant in that it results in the perpetuation of negative, or downward levelling norms regarding care and support for those with HIV/AIDS, as well as facilitating the exclusion of those infected and affected by the disease from potentially advantageous group membership, thus restricting the availability of emotional and material resources needed to assist and care and support for those who are ill with the disease.
2.8 Operationalization and Application of Social Capital to a South African, HIV/AIDS Context
Research appears to point towards a positive link between social support, social networks, and health (Harper et al, 2002). Within the context of HIV, Social Capital becomes a relevant factor in determining the nature and norms of interactions between community members involved in care for those with HIV/AIDS. Social Capital can be used positively to increase awareness and self- efficacy of individuals and communities, such as providing knowledge and therefore increasing confidence regarding how to meet the needs of one with HIV/AIDS; however it can be used detrimentally, as in the fostering of negative or detrimental social norms and views, such as the perpetuation of beliefs encouraging blame and stigma regarding those with HIV/AIDS.
In addition to the above, it must be noted that Social Capital is not equally available to all. This is significant when considering how Social Capital may affect the self-efficacy of an individual, and his/her coping ability when faced with a life-threatening disease such as HIV. Access to Social Capital may be limited by geographic and social isolation, as well as socio-economic position, which may also affect the value of Social Capital. This is seen most clearly in a study which examined the psychological and psychosocial differences between African women, and European women (who generally live in more enabling environments both ecomonically and socially) who are HIV-positive. According to a study done by Orr et al (1994) cited in Bungener, Marchand-Gonod, &
Jouvent (2000), African women are nine times more likely to die of AIDS than white women. A psychiatric diagnosis revealed a significant difference between the two groups, with the African women appearing to be more susceptible to mental illnesses and disorders (77% as opposed to 52%). There also appeared to be a significant difference in the decision to disclose between the two groups, with 73% of European women chose to tell their sisters, and 60% their mothers, while of the African women, only 40% disclosed to their mothers and 16% shared their status with their sisters. In addition, given the widely accepted stigma associated with being HIV-positive observed in South Africa, it is not surprising that 70% of the European women chose to disclose their status to their friends, whereas 38% of the African women made the same decision.
Social Capital, although promoting the formation of groups of individuals who share a common trait or interest (“bonding”), may also lead to the exclusion of others. In the context of HIV, this may lead to group formation consisting of those who promote stigma surrounding HIV, and the exclusion of those who are known to be HIV-positive. This in turn will result in a decrease of social capital for such individuals, who will find themselves more susceptible to mental and emotional illness as well as reduced chance of all individual members of a
community working together to increase and promote living standards and a sense of wellbeing for the community as a whole.