tribalism in Africa and after, quoting N k r u m a h to the effect that "before conquest there were tribes but no tribalism" summarises the position t h u s : "But one of the effects of colonialism and imperialism was to break u p the growing bonds of unity between the various tribes. T h u s tribes which were coming together to face the European conqueror and aggressor were separated from each other and in many cases turned against each other."
And yet, for a i r this backwardness, the political struggle was, comparatively speaking, on a higher level than the military resistance. T h e tribal resisters fough^to preserve their tribal societies. T h e political struggle, backward as it was and was to remain for a long time, represented the first steps towards the ultimate mastery of a modern, highly productive industrial society with an infinitely greater potential for satisfying the needs, wants a n d aspirations of its members than that of the tribal subsistence economy, all its egalitarianism notwithstanding.
" N e w " tribalism: A Mission p r o d u c t
We have referred to the " n e w " tribalism, the division of the oppressed into "Natives", "Col- oureds" and " I n d i a n s " . W h a t were the origins of this new tribalism a n d w h o were its bearers?
This new tribalism was undoubtedly the product of Missionary'endeavour. T h e y , the missionaries, understood and, indeed, formulated the divide- and-rule policy of the British Colonial administra- tion and implemente'd it both during the military conquest of the indigenous tribalists and during the civil government which followed conquest.
Since the expansion of the C a p e Colony was from west to east, the Khoisan peoples of the C a p e were conquered and defeated before the main wars against the Mnguni-speaking tribes of the Eastern C a p e were unleashed. I n order to keep the defeated K h o i - K h o i n from re-entering the fray by re-assembling as p a r t of the Xhosa tribes with whom they had lived in amity over a very long period in the pre-conquest days, missionaries were placed amongst the " H o t t e n t o t s " a n d they were d r a w n into a line of Mission Stations t h a t stretched from virtually the C a p e Peninsula all along to the eastern frontier. And although it was " H o t t e n t o t s " , who were organised into communities a n d schools by the missionaries, it was " C o l o u r e d sn who emerged from these. N o doubt, the process of blot- ting out their tribal origins (their heathen past, the missionaries would have said) facilitated chris- tianising them, but baptising them "Coloureds" .at the same time t h a t they were baptised " C h r i s t i a n "
also served to sever them from their fellow tribalists who were then still the major military opponents of the colonisers.
Missionary practice suited colonial policy Correspondingly, a new tribe of " N a t i v e s " was created, especially in t h a t hotbed of missionary
activity: the Eastern C a p e . As their alleged
" m i x e d " blood was the distinguishing feature of the
"Coloured" tribe, their African past and especially their alleged " p u r i t y " of blood was the distinguish- ing feature of the " N a t i v e " tribe. Likewise, when the development of the N a t a l sugar plantations brought indentured "Coolie" labour from India, a third tribe was a d d e d t h a t was said to be dis- tinguished by its membership of "a proud oriental civilization".
T h e new tribalism had its origin with the mis- sionaries and served very well the political policy of divide a n d rule. T h e missionaries were also the bearers of this tribalism in t h a t they imparted it through their churches and their schools. Those, however, who did the actual carrying of these attitudes a n d beliefs into the community were not so much the missionaries themselves but a mission - trained elite of ministers, teachers, doctors, lawyers, interpreters and clerks constituting w h a t has been called " a small b u t visible new social g r o u p " who.
because of their education and Christianity, were
"set a p a r t from traditional African society".
"Intellectuals" alias "Intelligentsia"
This brings into our focus the role of w h a t is generally described as the "intellectuals" or "intel- ligentsia". And, so far. as this country is con- cerned, the origins, composition, character and role of those described — or describing themselves — as such.
A clear understanding of the n a t u r e a n d role of this group is the key to understanding the growth and development of the political movement in our country, as indeed it is in ev;ery colonial country.
For this reason, it is useful to pause at this stage to consider this m a t t e r in some detail before tracing out the character and the currents running through the pre-Union political activities of the oppressed, people:
A great deal of the obvious confusion that exists about the n a t u r e and the role of those categorised as intellectuals flows from a failure to u n d e r s t a n d the differences in position and character, on the one h a n d , of the intellectuals ors intelligentsia in the colonial situation who form part of the nation- ally oppressed and economically exploited colonial people and, on the other, the traditional metropoli- tan intellectual who has different social roots.
T h e first point to make is that the metropolitan intellectual is by and large in his social origins not a member of w h a t is called the working class. T h e doctors, lawyers, teachers, priests, engineers, writers, journalists, upper civil servants (though some mem- bers of the working class escape into this layer) largely have their origins in social layers tradition- ally following the professions and are at some social distance from the working class. If they are to be classified in this way, they would more accurately be regarded as bourgeois or petit-bourgeois. I n 82
short, they form part of the privileged and more comfortable layers of society.
Workers and intellectuals
Workers' movements in metropolitan countries are usually sceptical of intellectuals who take an interest in such movements. T h e y recognise t h a t since most of these intellectuals do not belong to their social class and since, therefore, their loyalty is based not on a real and immediate community of political, economic a n d social interests but on more fragile bonds such as a recognition of the justice of the cause of such movements, their loyalty, par- ticularly in times of social struggle and crisis, might prove equally fragile. Workers' movements in metropolitan countries, because of the m a n y links which the intellectuals have with the boss class, are likely to feel the pressure of those links in times of crisis. Generally speaking, such fears have proved justified, though it must be stated immediately t h a t the history of working class movements is also rich in individual intellectuals whose loyalty and con- tribution to these movements is outstanding and beyond all question.
Colonial "intellectuals"
T h e "intellectuals" in the colonial context are dif- ferently situated. ( I n fact, m a n y think the word "in- tellectual" should not be used in this connection.) In South Africa, for example, we have to distinguish between the intellectual d r a w n from the ranks of the citizens and those from the more educated and professional section of the non-citizens. In the case of the latter there is no social distance at all between the so-called intellectuals (be they teacher, priest or nurse, or belonging to the infinitesimally small group of doctors, lawyers, architects and so on) and the rest of the population who literally are their brothers and sisters, parents, cousins, neigh- bours and friends. T h e y suffer the some disabilities as those who work in field, factory or shop, and are as rightless as they are. T h e y have an essential community of interest with the rest of the oppressed and exploited.
Usually, members of t h a t group are financially better off t h a n the mass of u r b a n and rural labourers, b u t they are hardly likely to be as well
off as the citizen intellectual and are normally subject to wage discrimination. T h e y may affect (or even be able to afford) a more comfortable life-style; they may live in superior ghettos or in better houses in the ordinary ghettos. But they remain non-citizens, political outcasts, b o u n d by a myriad links to all other non-citizens. At times of crisis they often experience the pressure coming from these myriad links, and most of them are careful not to step out of line. Nevertheless, because they have had more education they usually fill a position of leadership amongst the oppressed people. If we look at political movements in Africa
then we cannot but note the dominance of the intellectual in these movements and the crucial role they have played in founding, organising and lead- ing such movements. T h e r e is no national move- ment in Africa where the work of the intellectuals was not essential for the growth and development of the movement.
Not an unmixed blessing
However, t h e fact t h a t the intellectuals have played a crucial and essential role in every liber- atory movement in Africa is, of course, not to say t h a t they have always played a progressive role.
F a r from it. Sometimes w h a t began as a blessing ended u p as a curse. T h e national movements in former French a n d British colonies were all led by intellectuals who swallowed and worked the fraud of independence against their own people.
Senghor is a poet and intellectual of distinction and, for all his humble origins, he is today poli- tically nearer to Vorster t h a n to the Senegalese peasants or to us. K e n y a t t a , now among the vilest imperialist accomplices in Africa, was a school- master. University lecturer E d u a r d o M o n d l a n e , on the other hand, founded Frelimo and largely in- spired its anti-imperialist and non-collaborationist character. In our own country and movement we can count intellectuals on the side of progress as we can count them on the side of reaction, the latter coming increasingly -j- b u t certainly not exclusively — from the Bush Colleges.
" I n " but N O T always "of"
This illustrates an important character of the intellectuals as a group. T h e i r special position as an educated group amongst a largely illiterate population, the trust and respect t h a t they, enjoy because they are seen by the people as p a r t of themselves and as people who can represent them, speak a n d act for them, thrust them into a position of prominence and often great influence. But they are nevertheless not an independent political factor, as some of them seem to imagine. T h e y are not a separate and independent class; in fact they are not a class at all and therefore d o not have an independent political position to express. They articulate the political position a n d interest of another class. T h e question is always: who has cap- tured them? O n whose side are they?
From mission boy to . . .?
Often they are ensnared by the rulers and even though they are part and parcel of the oppressed, they serve the political ends of the ruling classes.
Such are the collaborators and quislings. T h e intellectuals are always prominent among these because they are easily capable of -expressing the political interests of other classes. Because they are part of the people and have a community of interests with the oppressed a n d exploited classes they can be won for the people's cause, but they must be won;
83
They are not automatically, just because they are also oppressed, on the side of the people.
The rulers have always been aware of the im- portance of the intellectuals and of their special character: the ability to articulate the interest of either of the two major classes in our society. And so from the beginning they have set out to capture the intellectuals to articulate their interests.
They, through their missionary wing, nurtured the intellectuals themselves, imparting to them the views, attitudes and values that they desired to prevail among the oppressed. As we indicated
earlier, the "new African elite" (A, P, Walshe, "The Origins of African Political Consciousness in South Africa") was trained by the missionaries and accep- ted, as a result of missionary influence, the political tutelage of the Liberals and spread their politics amongst the oppressed people.
Thus the rulers controlled the political life of the oppressed people by simply training their leaders in the politics that they wished the people to follow.
Let us see how this actually functioned from the time that political struggle began during the last quarter of the \9th century till "white" Union was achieved in 1910. •*