1.2 AFRICAN RENAISSANCE
1.2.4 Components of the African Renaissance
1.2.4.2 Economic Renaissance
legitimate interests ofthe poor. In this context, we also recognise the importance of our own African business sector, which has a critical role in continuing the African renaissance into the twenty-first century, capable of both acting on its own and in partnership with international investors (Mbeki,1998:203).
Luhabe echoes Mbeki's above concern, when he states that,
We must develop investment policies for development aid to promote trade, economic self- determination and revenue generation initiatives for local people, not donor countries as has been the case. We must create labour-intensive industries, expand African export capacity and increase our ability to access foreign markets with our products and intellectual capital.
We must identify areas of production where the continent can promote free trade, for example in organic farming (Luhabe, 1999:296-7).
Mbeki further believes that closely related to the transformation of the economy is economic growth.
Mbeki admits that a thoroughgoing transformation and a complete democratisation process can only succeed if the economy of our country grows on a sustainable basis. He notes that we need an economy which can locate itself within the world economy, adapt to its positive major trends and benefit from its dynamism (Mbeki,1998:48). So, according to Mbeki, economic growth is a necessity for the realisation of the African Renaissance.
Mbeki then goes on to warn against building and anchoring the economy on what he calls
"potentially volatile commodity markets" (Mbeki,1998:49). He suggests that Africans should be committed to shifting their resources steadily from the extraction and processing of primary products towards the production of competitive manufactured goods and service as a basis for their economy (Mbeki,1998:49).
However, Gueye has been very much critical of economic growth which does not address the conditions of the poor,
But in our situation, what is the meaning of the phrase 'strong and efficient economy'? Is it only an economy which can reach a sustainable and consistent gross national product, without any attention to the necessity of ameliorating the quality of life of the majority of the people? (Gueye,1999:2S2-3)
Similarly, Luhabe does not seem to be very much impressed with a mere suggestion of an economic growth and a vibrant economy, she argues that we need structural mechanisms in place to ensure
that we reach our aims and goals.
What are the structural conditions needed for sustainable socio-economic advancement in Africa to make this renaissance survive and succeed? Simply stated, we must move from policy framework to practical realities that translate into the creation of sustainable livelihoods (Luhabe, 1999:292).
Mbeki elaborates that in order for the economic growth to be realised, the economy would have to include
a diversified economy, a very good physical infrastructure, a sophisticated financial sector, potentially high levels of domestic investment and growth which we are beginning to demonstrate, access to markets in the region and beyond, and abundant supplies of labour, some of which is highly skilled and most of which is competitively priced. In line with the need to empower the majority of our people and to redress racial and gender imbalances created by apartheid rule, we give special attention to the development of small, medium and micro enterprises. We believe that this is one of the effective ways in the war against underdevelopment, poverty, underemployment and joblessness among disadvantaged communities (Mbeki,1998:49-50).
Mbeki continues by outlining what he believes to be the main objectives of the economic system within the context of the African Renaissance.
The objectives of the economy must result in the elimination of poverty, the establishment of modern multi-sector economies and the growth of Africa's share of world economic activity, are an essential part of the African renaissance (Mbeki,1998:248).
Accordingly, Mbeki argues that a strong economic base will assist in addressing the socio-economic conditions of our continent.
We must succeed to rebuild and reconstruct our economies, achieve high and sustained rates of growth, reduce unemployment and provide a better life for the people, a path on which we have embarked. We must succeed to meet the needs of the people so as to end poverty and improve the quality oflife by ensuring access to good education, adequate health care, decent homes, clean water and modern sanitation and so on, again a process on which we have embarked (Mbeki,1998:249).
However, Mbeki is very critical of the notion of "the market". He argues that it has been portrayed
"as the modern god, a supernatural phenomenon to whose dictates everything human must bow in a spirit of powerlessness" (Mbeki,1999:xvi-xviii).
For her part, Luhabe identifies regional coordination and cooperation as fundamental to addressing the financial crisis in Africa. She argues that,
Greater regional co-ordination in tackling financial crises or conflicts, as well as developing dynamic leadership in all spheres of our lives, has to be considered. We should consider the integration of capital markets, harmonising of the listing regulations and sharing of technology to improve co-operation with other African stock exchanges. Finally, we must master the accumulation, management and deployment of capital. Africans must create new financial industries in their own countries to be able to direct social reconstruction objectives (Luhabe, 1999:297).
Thus, for development to take place, Mbeki believes that we need to attract into the African economy the capital without which development will not happen. He is here referring to both domestic and foreign investors, and also to both private and public sector sources of capital (Mbeki,1999:xvi-xviii).
Furthermore, Khoza maintains that the African Renaissance is a concept that insists that technical and economic efficiency and processes are not ends in themselves but are only important for the goals they seek to achieve. In this instance, the goal is the development and prosperity of Africa as a geo-economlC space, and of its people, defined not by race, but by psychic identity (Khoza, 1999:280).
Likewise, Gueye critiques the notion of development, when he argues that
When dealing with the problem of development, the following questions seem to require special attention: What real chance for a genuine development can small and poor countries like ours have, in the current global system of exchange and trade, without a radical change of the inequitable laws and rules which govern the system? A lot is said today about 'human, sustainable' development. Africa is also concerned about that issue. But for countries like ours whose peoples, due to their misery and poverty, are generally forced by their day-to-day struggle to neglect the future and to take from nature all she can give them today, and for whom some ecological restrictions can look like an extravagant luxury allowed only to rich countries, how does one combine the demands of a rational and efficient ecological management with what sometimes appears as objective imperatives to survival? Similarly, given the continuous decrease in the income from our agricultural products and raw materials in the international system of trade and exchange, and the high prices offered for narcotic agriculture, how do we prevent people from engaging in such an agriculture in order to face their misery and poverty? (Gueye,1999:251).
However, Emmanuel Katongole has been very critical ofMbeki' s economic Renaissance. He argues that Mbeki sees this "reawakening" primarily in terms of industrialization, regional trade and the building of a strong African economic block.
For Mbeki this integrated and vibrant market will not only lead to economic prosperity, it will promote political stability on the continent. Africa's problems, Mbeki contends, are largely due to Africa's underdevelopment and poverty. Thus, industrialization and a strong market economics in Africa will not only solve a great many of Africa's problems, it will give rise to a radically new and positive African image and identity (Katongole,1998:2).
Katongole believes that what leads Mbeki to see the African Renaissance in terms of economics and trade is because he has "accepted IMF and World Bank's vision of development and policies of economic liberalization" (Katongole, 1998:2).
Though Katongole seems to offer a critical analysis ofMbeki's African Renaissance, it is clear that Katongole's critique is only based on the economic renewal, not having taken into consideration the other components (such as moral renewal, cultural renewal, political renewal etc) of the African Renaissance.
Economic Renaissance cannot take place within a vacuum, it has to be done within a political scenario. In the next section we discuss the political Renaissance.
1.2.4.3 Political Renaissance
According to Mbeki, to correct the crises in our continent the establishment of democratic systems is essential: "we are saying that democratic systems are necessary to give the political framework to discuss and resolve whatever conflicts there are in the society" (Mbeki, 1997: 1). Mbeki argues for the establishment of genuine and stable democracies in Africa (Mbeki,1998:201).
Gueye also highlights the significance of democracy, maintaining that democracy seems to be another demand of a sustainable Renaissance (Gueye,1999:255). Democracy would "help to mobilise our peoples by giving them the true feeling that they are really those who decide"
Mbeki then continues to argue that as part of our democracy, we must not only have regular elections in Africa, but these elections must be democratic, resulting in governments which would be acceptable to the people (Mbeki,1999:vx). Thus he explains that,
I believe that a similar challenge faces the people of Nigeria, whose advance towards a democratic order has created the possibility for this important African country to set an agenda for itself against the repetition of military rule, against corruption and the abuse of power, for a system of governance that successfully addresses the challenges of a multi- cultural and multi-ethnic society and an equitable system of sharing resources, for a path of economic growth and development which benefits the people and reinforces the independence of Nigeria (Mbeki, 1999:xx).
Obviously Mbeki is aware that a mere installation of a democratic government would not necessarily bring about democracy nor an end to corruption and abuse of power etc. Gueye too noting that a mere installation of a democratic government is not sufficient to address abuse of power, corruption etc, correctly argues that the democratic process needs to be
preserved from forms of perversion which, in the name of pluralism, tend to tum the rights and freedoms it necessarily implies against the stability, the cohesion and the internal peace of our societies though centrifugal tendencies like ethnicism, tribalism, separatism, regionalism, civil wars, and so on. Without stability, cohesion and internal peace no fruitful work is possible, which means that no development will take place. That aspect must therefore be seriously taken into consideration by all political players (Gueye,1999:255).
Mbeki then sees respect for human rights as a related matter to the democratization process in order
"to establish in political and constitutional terms the necessary conditions for the respect of human rights" (Mbeki, 1997: 1). Mbeki maintains that we need to put in place institutions of a democratic order that will further entrench and strengthen the democratic system. These include historically new institutions such as a Constitutional Court, a Human Rights Commission and the office of the Public Protector (Mbeki,1998:64). These institutions would, argues Mbeki, help to strengthen and further entrench democracy in Africa and inculcate a culture of human rights in Africa (Mbeki, 1998:249).
Stremlau makes a similar point, and argues that as an integral part of a Renaissance in African international relations, there should be the "development of an institutional capacity to monitor, warn and respond to threats to the rights of endangered minorities, or to the freedom for individual creativity that defines a renaissance" (Stremlau, 1999: 110). Luhabe also attaches human rights issues
to democracy. She maintains that we must facilitate a culture of social democracy which is underpinned by human rights values. All African governments must subscribe to and practise a culture of accountability, transparency, integrity and dynamic, representative leadership (Luhabe,1999:296; Gueye,1999:249).
As part of respecting human rights in Africa, Gueye believes that there is a need for
The separation oflegislature, executive and judiciary bodies, their mutual independence and equilibrium, freedom of opinion and association, regular free and fair elections which enable citizens to remove bad rulers are well-known institutional conditions for improving the political, economic and social performance ofthe state (Gueye,1999:258).
And, Stremlau believes that National governments will remain the principal guarantors of the security and well-being of Africa's people, but that increasingly these governments must hold each other accountable for good conduct in both domestic and foreign affairs (Stremlau, 1999: 101).
Thus, Mbeki spells out the responsibilities of democratic government and institutions, when he says, The democratic institutions and governments have to confront the enormous challenge of uprooting corruption in African life. In order to properly do that they need to insist on such notions as transparency and accountability (Mbeki,1998:202).
Mbeki assumes here that it is only democratic governments which can contribute to the realisation of the African Renaissance. In other words, democracy is a prerequisite for governments' participation in the renewal of Africa. Gueye could not agree more, arguing that
Such a state could win its legitimacy and authority neither by force and repression nor by the purely formal procedures which define the content ofliberal bourgeois democracy (these are important and necessary but not yet enough). It will do it by proving its ability to govern the society with competence, transparency and accountability; to conceive and implement sound economic policies; to promote solidarity and social justice in society (giving particular attention to the weakest sectors of the population but also to women, youth and workers who are the more dynamic forces of our societies); to continuously struggle against any kind of exclusion and discrimination (especially sexual discrimination); to apply the same law to all citizens, and to give equal opportunities to all individuals to assert themselves socially, such that only personal aptitudes and capacities become the essential basis of promoting individuals, instead of riches or social origin (Gueye, 1999:258).
Accordingly, Mbeki sees it as one of the priorities of the renewal of our continent to eradicate
issues such as tribalism, ethnicity, racism etc. He says there is a need to deracialise South Africa, to ensure the emancipation of women, to uplift the youth, to free the people from poverty, and to guarantee democracy and peace (Mbeki,1998:38). He goes on to state that we need a democracy where neither race, tribalism, ethnicity, gender, religion nor creed performs any discriminatory role in the individual or collective pursuit of human fulfilment" (Mbeki,1998:39). For Prah the eradication of such ills as tribalism, ethnicity, racism etc have to give way to the celebration of unity in diversity,
. Africans need to create the basis for the institutionalisation of their aspiration to unity. The celebration of diversity under a common African unitary institution appears to be the realistic approach to ethnic, regionalist and localist conflicts in Africa (Prah,1999:53).
The other component of the renewal of Africa is, according to Mbeki, to bring peace and stability to the entire African continent. He believes that peaceful resolutions to political and social conflicts should be encouraged in the continent,
We therefore have to strive to banish war and the use or threat of force in the settlement of international disputes. We must work to abolish the use of fear against individuals and communities as an instrument of policy, and therefore uphold and fight for the right of all people to true self-determination, for friendship and mutually advantageous co-operation among the peoples of the world (Mbeki,1998:25).
Breytenbach agrees that stability is the first step towards solving the political problems in Africa But we can confidently say that ifthere is no strategy, there will be no result, and if states are not more stable, societies and economies will still suffer from these stresses and strains (Breytenbach, 1999:98-99).
Thus, Mbeki acknowledges that for the African Renaissance to succeed, there has to be concerted and unified action from all Africans in the continent. Gueye captures this belief when he says,
Not a single African country, regardless of its geographic and demographic size of economic potential, could on its own reach a genuine and sustainable development on the basis of its own forces, resources and capacities, or even successfully resist the various and subtle attempts at reconciliation which are perpetrated under the disguise of globalisation (Gueye, 1999:262; cf Prah, 1999:60).
Having discussed the political Renaissance, we now move on to examine the cultural Renaissance.