CHAPTER 5 FRAMING THE FUNCTIONING OF COMMUNITY COURTS IN MAPUTO THROUGH
5.5 R ELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMMUNITY COURTS AND STATE AND NON - STATE MECHANISMS OF CONFLICT
5.5.1 Referral of cases
Findings from the fieldwork show that the transfer of cases forms a link between community courts and state and non-state actors. A community court judge explained: ‘Transfers are
634 Interviewee 3.
635 See video available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5yqQ9n2nhgE&t=1397s (accessed 27 August 2021).
636 Ibid.
637 Ordem dos Advogados de Moçambique (2019). Muntingh, L. and Redpath, J. (2016).
638 Lorizzo, T. (2012) ‘Prison reform in Mozambique fail to touch the ground. Assessing the experience of pre-trial detainees in Mozambique’, South Africa Crime Quarterly, 42, pp. 29-38.
Procuradoria-Geral da República (2018) Crianças em conflito com a Lei em Moçambique. Em busca de uma Estratégia de Protecção. Centro de Estudos Sociais Aquino de Bragança (CESAB) e África Criminal Justice Reform (ACJR) do Dullah Omar Institute da Universidade de Western Cape. Rede da Criança (2019).
109 seldom done through written referrals; more often people are sent verbally by judges to have their case heard before other mechanisms.’639 Written referrals differ according to the court, depending on whether they have received the necessary materials from the National Justice Directorate and whether the judges can write Portuguese. Some courts used dedicated forms for transfer, other judges prefer to write referrals by hand. All referrals must include the name of the court of origin, the names of the plaintiff and defendant, the terms of the case, and the judging authority to which the case is referred.
In 2013 (according to data shared by the Maputo courts commission), 125 cases out of 680 were transferred to state and/or non-state mechanisms of conflict resolution. Of the 125 cases, 27 were accessed to analyse which institution they were transferred to and the procedures followed by the courts in transferring the cases. The majority of these (18) were transferred to judicial courts. This was done either because the cases were found to be outside the courts’
jurisdiction or because the community court judges were unable to find solutions to the cases.
Five out of six interviews with Maputo judicial judges found that when cases are transferred from community courts to their courts, no importance is given to the fact of transfer. Judicial judges simply start the case from the beginning, as if it had not already been looked at by the community court in question.
With very few exceptions, there is no specific relationship between judges in community courts and judicial judges. A community court judge explained: ‘I personally talk with the prosecutor of the judicial court of my district, but this is an exception.’640 The exceptionality was confirmed by the prosecutors interviewed during the fieldwork: ‘I don’t trust community court judges as they apply traditions and customs, and often these are against the law.’641
In addition, it was rarer to see cases transferred from judicial courts to community courts. Out of six judicial judges interviewed, only one judge said that she was collaborating with the community court judges, not only making sure that she was aware of the development of cases at the community level but also to transfer cases to community courts where she had no doubt they would be better dealt with there.642
Scholarly research notes the lack of collaboration between community court judges and judicial courts and makes the recommendation that better relations between them would improve access to justice for all.643 Similarly, the latest study on the current state of children’s’ access to justice (one in which representatives from community courts from all the country’s provinces participated) found that:
All respondents were of the opinion that community courts could have an important role to play in issues related to children justice, crime prevention and improving access to justice for children, but that their role needs to be recognised by key stakeholders. Respondents felt strongly that all discussions related to children justice need to involve community courts.
Community court judges and community leaders must be included in legal education (lectures, workshops, training opportunities). It was also stated
639 Interviewee 012 (A).
640 Interviewee 011 (A).
641 Interviewee 8.
642 Interviewee 9.
643 Procuradoria-Geral da República (2018). Rede da Criança (2019).
110 that cooperation with ‘official’ justice institutions should improve, with
stronger recognition and support from the Government.644
Two of the 27 cases analysed were sent to the Association of Traditional Healers (Médicos Tradicionais de Moçambique, AMETRAMO) because they were regarded as cases of witchcraft.645 At the Mikadjuine court, for example, one day a week is devoted to AMETRAMO cases, but also when needed. AMETRAMO representatives met the parties involved in the dispute at the court, and chairs and tables were removed to lay a mat (esteira) on the floor.646 Two cases were transferred to the courts’ commission, as the body that represents all courts in Maputo. As such, it is considered by the judges as the court with the most knowledgeable judges in the city. Community courts transfer cases to the commission when they are unclear about the way to proceed, and/or when judges need specific support for analysing and resolving cases.
One case was sent to the Children’s Court (Tribunal de Menores) because the matter involved a child younger than 16. According to a community court judge, in 2016, the President of the Children’s Court asked for the contacts of all presidents of the community courts of the city.647 The judge would then use the phone numbers to contact the president of the closest community court to where the children involved in the Children’s Court cases lived.
Two cases on domestic violence were sent to a police station and the Department for Assisting Minors and Families Victims of Domestic Violence (Gabinete Atendimento à Menores e Famílias Vitimas de Violência Doméstica, GAMFVV). One case, related to land issues, was sent to the regulo, the traditional chief of the land. And another case was transferred to the Legal Aid Institute (Instituto de Patrocínio e Assistência Jurídica, IPAJ) for the legal assistance. IPAJ is a state institution created by Law 6/1994,648 under the responsibility of the Ministry of Justice, Constitutional and Religious Affairs. Its creation was intended to enable the realisation of the right of defence and provide legal representation and assistance for economically disadvantaged citizens. In 2013, Ministerial Regulation 156/2013 created the Provincial and District Delegations of IPAJ. The delegations seek to ‘promote, primarily, the extrajudicial resolution of conflicts (article 2), and the promotion of alternative mechanisms of conflict resolution under the terms of legal pluralism and the laws in place (Articles 6(d), 7(d), and 18(d))’.
Following this provision, and since 2015, seven IPAJ District Delegations were opened in the capital city of Maputo, while a central office continues functioning in the central district of the city.649 The central office was the only one functioning from 1994 to 2015. In 2016, the IPAJ central office resolved 122 extrajudicial cases, while the districts of the city completed 535.650 These numbers are similar to those of the cases opened at community court level in the same
644UNICEF (2021) Final Report. Analysis of the Situation of Access to Justice for Children in Mozambique. Coming publication, p. 68.
645 AMETRAMO was created in September 1992 with the support of the Ministry of Health. The Association is constituted as an organ regulated by the government to bring together healers who perform consultations with an oracle who receives the spirits of ancestors.
646 The involvement of the AMETRAMO costs between 2,000 and 30,000 Meticals. For comparison and considering an exchange rate of 5.8 (August 2021), 2,000/30,000 Mozambican Meticals is equivalent to 465.12/6,976.75 South African Rands.
647 Interviewee 012(A).
648 Lorizzo, T. (2012), pp. 29-38.
649 Interview with the Director of the Legal Aid Institute, February 2016.
650 In 2014, IPAJ solved a total of 593 extrajudicial cases, while 456 cases were solved in 2015.
111 year. They deal with matters such as family conflicts, child maintenance, conflicts between neighbours, and debt. Since the creation of the District Delegations, the IPAJ performs two functions. First, it provides assistance to community courts through training opportunities (as is analysed below), and secondly, it resolves cases that could be resolved by community courts.
Further research, beyond the scope of this thesis, is necessary to answer what the significance is of the creation of IPAJ District Delegations for existing community courts, and how the relationship between the IPAJ and community courts might develop in the future. Such research would need to answer whether the community courts will reinforce or diminish their role within the communities. Further research would also need to see whether the IPAJ works to assist community courts in solving cases that would not usually go through the channel of community courts, or whether it is actively removing cases from the community courts. Finally, further research would also assess whether community courts hope to gain more institutional recognition through their relationship with IPAJ or whether they fear a loss of cases at community level, and the subsequent diminution of their power.
As explained above, and as argued in other research, cooperation and competition are the forms used by all non-state mechanisms of conflict resolution to relate to each other.651 If cooperation rather than competition is utilised, for example, by the transfer of cases from community courts and other non-state mechanisms of conflict resolution, there is a positive opportunity for access to criminal justice for the following reasons. As more cases are resolved at the community level, less cases will reach the state criminal justice system and be subjected to its problems. With specific reference to judicial courts, the improvement of the relationship with community courts can have twofold objectives: judicial judges can obtain from community courts information that they would be less likely to obtain otherwise, as they do not live in the neighbourhoods of the parties concerned; and such information could help in the understanding of the socio- economic causes of the crime and eventually of the consequences of any decision the judge will take. At the same time, a better relationship with community court judges could increase the possibility for state judges transferring cases to community courts. Judicial judges, however, do not trust community court judges. Although some community court judges send cases to the judicial courts, the majority of the state judges show little interest in understanding and accepting what the community court judges manage to find at the community level. This bias is a practical obstacle that needs to be overcome to strengthen collaboration between the courts and create regular and effective channels of communication between community courts and judicial courts.
5.5.2 Community courts’ formalisation
In 2010, judges of community courts were encouraged by CEPAJI to create associations for the protection of their interests. Although the constituted associations were never legally recognised by the Ministry of Justice, Constitutional and Religious Affairs and CEPAJI itself closed down due to lack of funding, the Maputo courts’ commission was created in 2010 as the natural development of such plans. A judge remarked:
The commission sends to the Justice Provincial Directorate (DPJ) monthly reports about the number of cases solved by each court and general information about the functioning of the courts in the city. As a counterpart, the DPJ distributes to the courts, material such as papers and pens. The DPJ
651 Araújo S. (2014).
112 is also called in for the opening of new courts and the formalisation of
others, which is a procedure conferring official recognition to the courts.652
Focus group discussions with community court judges found that out of the 38 courts operating in the city of Maputo, seven community courts were formalised by the DPJ since 2007,653 and 16 new community courts were established.654 The remaining 15 courts operating in the city date back to the Popular Courts. These were created between 1983 and 1987, and now await official recognition.655 In the meantime, even the community courts that have not yet been officially formalised are operating normally. As one judge puts it:
The formalisation began with my initiative and it has been welcomed by the population. It involves the courts that were non-operational, to give them a new and effective recognition. A representative of the DPJ chaired the ceremony, which involved speeches delivered by a religious representative of the community, the commander of the police station, the secretary of the neighbourhood, representatives of IPAJ as well as the prosecutor and the judge of the judicial court of the neighbourhood. The judges pledged an oath, after which they are officially introduced to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. The judges received the Constitution of the Republic and other books containing specific laws such as the Family and the Domestic Violence Laws.656
The focus group discussions with the judges showed that formalisation is seen as a strong message of recognition from the government and as shown at the beginning of the chapter, the political recognition of community courts by political representatives represents a practical opportunity to improve access to criminal justice in the country.
5.5.3 Training opportunities
Interviews with state institutions and CSOs found that in the period 2013-2017, community courts judges received training not only by national CSOs (such as CEPAJI) but also by state institutions such as the IPAJ, the Attorney General’s Office and the Law Faculty of University Eduardo Mondlane (Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, UEM).657 The training aimed to provide judges with knowledge of the new legal instruments most recently promulgated. These include those mainly related to women and children (such as the Law on Domestic Violence and the Family Law) as well as land law and human rights.
652 Interviewee 011(A).
653 The community courts of Malhangalene B and Mahotas were formalised in 2010, while those of Malanga Xipamanine, Unidade 7, Ferroviario/Laulane and Mavalane A/FPML were formalised in the last few years.
654 The community court of Magoanine A was created on 6 March 2014, while the five community courts of the Catembe district were created on 29 May 2013. In the same year, the community court of Magoanine C was created on 30 August 2013, and on 9 November 2013 the community court of 25 Junho A. In 2012, the community court of Chamanculo D was created on 9 March 2012 and the one in Malhazine on 13/7/2012, while the community court of Zimpeto was created on 31/10/12. 2011 saw the creation of courts in Dimitrov, 25 Junho B and Nsalene on 9/11/11. In 2010 the community courts of Chamankulo B were created while the community court of Albazine was created in 2007.
655 Mikuadjuine/Mafalale, Maxaquene B, C, D, Polana Canhico A, B, Urbanizacao, Hulene A, Costa do Sol, Bagamoio, Inhagoia A, B, Jardim and Luís Cabral and Magoanine B.
656 Interviewee 012(A).
657 Interviewee 2, 4, 17 and 19.
113 The training opportunities, however, divided the national community between those who are pro and others who are contra such learning opportunities. The interview with the organisation CEPAJI, involved in training activities with community courts judges, found that training provided good opportunities for judges to become familiar with the new legal developments and be sensitised about the human rights of vulnerable groups.658 This opinion was shared by development actors involved in funding such opportunities (including the United Nation Development Program, UNICEF and the Danish Development Cooperation).659 These development actors argue that the presence of non-state mechanisms of conflict resolution (including community courts) can no longer be ignored, and that there is consequently an urgent need to further the knowledge and awareness of human rights in these institutions.660
In an interview with the director of a CSO who was a legal pluralist academic, the director found the idea of such training a westernised one, and one that likely only appealed because of the funding it brought to the organisers.661 In this interview, the director argued that community court judges had no need of such training. The director explained that community court judges were likely too old to take in new concepts (such as the idea of domestic violence as it is perceived and understood today), and besides, the main objective of community courts is (in the legal pluralist perspective) the application of traditions and customs.662
Lively debate about whether training presents a good opportunity or an obstacle to community courts in enhancing access to justice will continue. Legal pluralism and postcolonial theory both agree that if such training is conducted by Western-trained personnel, it only distance community court judges from their constituencies and force them to assume all the problems faced by judicial judges. If such training is conducted by legal pluralists applying postcolonial studies to criminal justice, community courts judges may come to understand that they have respected knowledge and that they can play an important role in the criminal justice system.