3.3 Early encounters with school leadership: the first two years
3.3.2 The third impossible thing: implementing change
3.3.2.2 Engaging with the maintenance staff: What were the rules of the game?
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Figure 19. Weekend checklist to monitor the hostel and hostel kitchen.
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pawn with limited knowledge of the world around her, and limited power to influence outcomes.
Most importantly, she did not fully understand the rules of the game. But an unseen hand guides her along her journey, constructing different spaces and encounters that drive her toward her goal.
I felt my self-confidence dissipate completely, and there was an uneasy silence from the men.
They made a minimal contribution to the discussion regarding their work schedules and routines
— information that was crucial to my work. After the meeting, I decided to discuss my experience with a member of the school management team who was black African and male. He listened intently, and explained that my age, gender and race were factors that worked against me and were forces that would influence my engagements with the men. He elaborated that, given the history of apartheid in South Africa, African people in South Africa viewed Indians as ‘slave drivers’ who were condescending, and who held the misconception that they were more endowed intellectually and in other spheres than African people. Indian women in particular are viewed as having no respect for African men. He added that being supervised by a younger person was not acceptable since African tradition dictated that an elder should not have to be accountable to anyone younger, as age is often associated with wisdom. He advised me to understand their reaction to me and adjust my leadership strategies by taking into account these contextual issues — a difficult task indeed!
One incident that epitomises the tension and conflict I experienced between traditional Zulu culture and organisational culture was when I tried to change their system of working. My evaluation of their work methods after a few weeks revealed routines that resulted in poor outcomes and minimal productivity. Their work practices entailed six groundsmen working together in one area of the school grounds at the same time. I observed that as a result of this system, only one area of the school grounds looked well maintained at any given time. My observations also revealed that this work system created poor work habits as staff frequently engaged in personal conversations during their working hours. In order to improve work productivity I suggested a new system of work.
I made the decision to engage the men in discussions with the hope that we could collaboratively appraise the situation and explore alternate work routines and strategies. At the meeting I noted a sense of indifference and a lack of responsiveness. No ideas were forthcoming from the groundsmen. A few indicated that they saw no shortcomings or drawbacks in the current system and that there was therefore no urgency for change.
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Others mentioned that they could not think of alternative ways of working. At this point, I decided that I should voice my thoughts and ideas on the issue. My concern hinged on the fact that the present ‘group system’ was not effective since my observations revealed that production, and quality of work were compromised.
Based on the principle of equity and quality outcomes I proposed that the school grounds be divided into six sections and each person be responsible for a particular section (Fig. 20). In order to ensure equity of workload I suggested that the sections be rotated quarterly. Everyone nodded in agreement but I could see that they were not enthusiastic about the new proposal.
Despite several requests for input, alternatives and suggestions, there was minimal input. At the end of the meeting we all agreed to a three-month trial of the new system. A meeting was to be held to draw up a roster for duty loads to ensure equity of workloads and efficiency of the new system.
On the following day, much to my surprise, I was summoned to a meeting by the principal. I discovered that the groundsmen had sought their labour union’s intervention on the matter.
They cited a violation of their traditional customs and culture as cause for their grievance. This was to be my first meeting with labour union representatives, and I felt deep anxiety and trepidation. On my way to the meeting I lost my balance and fell, bruising my elbows and knees.
I was grateful that no one had witnessed my fall and went into the meeting feeling very dishevelled. In the meeting the principal, union representatives and the groundsmen were present.
The key accusation put forward by union representatives was that my leadership practices indicated that I did not understand and respect the Zulu culture. Various arguments were made to support this construction of me. Firstly, I had proposed a division of labour. It was pointed out that working in a group was integral to Zulu culture. Working together provided them with the opportunity to sing and converse, and this invigorated workers and even enhanced their energy levels. It was further insinuated that my strategy to divide the workers into different sections was an attempt to ‘divide and rule’, a political strategy that was used by the apartheid government to entrench power and control. The intensity of the accusations levelled against me stunned me! I was completely shaken, silenced and felt extremely vulnerable. I was being constructed as a racist Indian! My approach was likened to apartheid era tactics! Was I wielding power and control?
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Figure 20. Job description and management plan for groundsmen.
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At this point my principal intervened and stated that she wanted to place the dialogue in perspective. She argued strongly that the groundsmen were using culture to resist change and in the final analysis did not want to be accountable for their work. She made it quite clear that she believed there was a need for efficiency, accountability and high-quality work outcomes at the school. She therefore supported me and my change initiatives to the fullest. She made a very convincing argument that one cannot use the notion of culture to argue against the need for a strong work ethic, quality and accountability, as these values are embedded across all cultures.
The union representatives retracted immediately and accepted the arguments of the principal. My strategy for the next three months would be implemented, and re-evaluated at the end of this period. The meeting closed soon after.
I pounded over the event over the next days. Was my principal’s voice heard because she was a black African woman? Was it the intersection of race, gender and my newly assumed leadership status that played out? I did feel that my ‘self’ and my agency were placed under surveillance and judged, and that techniques of power were used by union members to try to control and regulate me and the subject positions I took.
In the months that followed, I constantly relived and interrogated the experience. Looking back now, I see it as a pivotal moment for me as a leader at the school. The support of my principal amidst complex power dynamics represented her endorsement of my emerging management and leadership practices. I valued her as an ally as she was highly respected and admired by most members of staff. I did self-question. I knew I had to understand the deep underlying structures that had led to this critical incident. Why did they resist so fiercely? Was I to be blamed? Could I have followed a different path in my interactions with the groundsmen? Why did I come across as someone who was wielding power and control? According to Foucault (1984), resistance emerges out of power.
Once inside the forest, Alice forgets who she is. The same cannot, however, be said about the name “human” and what it signifies. Could the forest itself be questioning Alice’s title and form? Without any clear connection between what she is and what she is called, Alice has no means of working through the problem logically. The induced forgetfulness of the forest brings this question to bear, and Alice must find a way to pass through the forest in order to remember her name and keep her identity intact. Once she does make it through, she recovers her memory fully, as does the fawn she runs into while in the forest. (Holt, 2003)
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I interviewed one of the groundsmen who was present at the labour union meeting alluded to in the above discussion. This confirms how strongly the complex intersection of Zulu traditional norms and beliefs, my identities of race, gender and age played out at the time. The interview was conducted in isiZulu, ten years after the incident.
In the beginning it was very hard to work with Mrs Naidoo. We thought she was too young. We had our own way of doing things and she had a different way. She did not understand our ways and traditions. It was very hard to talk to her directly since she was a female and we are not used to working under and being told what to do by a young woman. And she was an Indian! Sometimes we listened because we did not want her to think that we didn’t want to listen to her and we also did not want her to be angry.
Sometimes we could see she got angry. Sometimes we could see she was frustrated. It was very unusual for us to work under a female. But we had to work because work is work. We all expected her to treat us badly. That is what Indians do. But she was very kind to us and always asked about our families and problems. She also did not understand that we needed to work together. She was unhappy when we explained our cultural need to work together. In the end we did what she said and now we are all used to her because work is work and she helps the school and all of us a lot.
(Groundsman, February, 2012) Although the principal’s intervention resolved the issue to some extent, I feared that the issues would re-surface in the course of my work.
One of my critical friends questioned me about my understanding of the notion of culture at the time. My thinking was that a people’s culture included the characteristics of a particular group of people defined by values, norms, beliefs, language, religion and social habits. Beliefs and practices held by specific groups have been passed down from their ancestors through their grandparents, parents and the community and society. Organisational culture included the habits and accepted norms that underpin how people work and what is acceptable in workplaces. In my naïve thinking at the time, I believed that the norms and values of the organisation should take priority, although people’s cultures should be respected and affirmed in any organisation.
I faced a serious dilemma: how does a leader address the tension between the collective norms, values and expectations within the culture of an organisation, and the norms and values of a particular culture of individuals and groups within the organisation? I had no answers at the time.
However, I came to understand the importance of skilled leadership in understanding and dealing with issues of diversity in an institution. I felt frustrated that I did not have access to professional development in the area of diversity management.
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I continued with my role with a degree of trepidation and caution, guided by my intuition. I was convinced that it was crucial for a leader to have the expertise and research insights on how to deal with diversity in an organisation, particularly in a multiracial society.