Introduction
4. Data analysis and discussion
4.3. Analysis and interpretation of recorded data
4.3.2. English as the 'other tongue'
I disagree with English as unifier, because I am from the Zulu culture and my child will be born in the generation of English and they won't know about my culture, because they have been disturbed by English, so I don't agree with English to be the language of African unity (Sbo, 30).
Although most interviewees stressed the important role English plays in the country, several participants also voiced a rather critical or even hostile position towards the language. English is clearly positioned ambiguously with regard to language attitudes. Not only did perceptions among the different interviewees vary to a large extent but single individuals often had contradicting views concerning the function of English. Having acquired the label as the 'language of liberation' on the one hand and the 'language of colonisation' on the other, the role of English is clearly an enigmatic one. It was recently argued that many African language speakers have a love-hate relationship with the English language (De Klerk and Gough 2002: 370). The interview data collected for this study strongly supports this claim. Several individuals, in fact, used the words love and hate in relation to English in the interviews.
Most previous studies have focused on attitudes surrounding the instrumental role of English. Smit (1996: 180) for instance, portrays English as "a high status language, a language of higher education, of personal social advancement, of international and national communication, and as a language of national unification". Unsurprisingly, in comparison with the indigenous African languages, English always appears as the favourite due to its economic power. In particular in KwaZulu-Natal, however, one has to be cautious about uncritically assuming that South Africans, i.e. isiZulu speakers, see English positively. In the next section, I argue that the attitudes of Umlazi residents point to a critical view of English and stand in conflict with an overall embrace of language.
the participants and informants of this research speak isiZulu as a mother tongue and learn English as L2. The notion of 'the other tongue' is evidently linked to 'otherness', in other words, to something that is not one's own. The analysis of the interviews shows, inter alia, that awareness of English as 'the other tongue' entails a distance that limits the extent to which individuals are able to feel at home with the language. Hence, there is no substantial ground on which most Umlazi individuals are able to identify themselves with the language. The comment below, voiced by a township school learner, aptly describes the 'other tongue' as the 'other self.
The children that are learning on Union Model C schools, when they are together they like to communicate with each other in English, so that the other person see themselves as less complicated, but others try to say other things that he or she cannot understand about our own languages... So that is why the other tongue is the other self... shame, because other people try to say bad things about you while you are around them (Sibusiso, 19).
As previously mentioned, many interviewed participants express ambivalent feelings about the status of English vis-a-vis that of the mother tongue, isiZulu.
Essentially, I argue, that these ambivalent feelings stem from the link the participants make between the mother tongue, isiZulu, Zulu culture and a definition of who they are and where they belong. The following interview extracts illustrate the background to this argument:
I only speak Zulu at home. I think we must not speak so much of English, because if they would they forget about our culture and that is bad, we must never forget where we came from. Because if you can think of some people they never go back to their culture (Buhle, 22).
I think if we use only English and not our home language anymore, we will forget where we come from, our culture (Nkululeko, 24).
Clearly, the above quoted individuals perceive excessive use of English as detrimental to the maintenance of 'culture' and tradition. Fishman (1997a: 39) argues that "a very common and relatively undemanding image is that of the language as a true reflection of its community". Although it is evident that 'culture' as referred to above means Zulu culture, the characteristics of this culture vary in their degree of importance from one individual to the next. As Fishman (1997a, b)
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notes, the term 'culture' is often merely a desideratum related to distinctiveness of identity. Languages however, i.e. isiZulu and English, are not mere desiderata in the isiZulu-speaking community but part and parcel of every day communication patterns.
Nomusa (18), argues, "English is not okay because other people, they are not educated, especially those who want a job they do not get a job because they do not know how to start, they only know Zulu". The interview extracts suggest that the interviewee is well aware that the exclusive use of English in the higher domains of life has a disempowering effect on monolingual isiZulu speaking people.
If you know English you are seen as someone who is maybe educated.
The one, who is always speaking English, is maybe better than the others. I am not sure how it happens, ... whatever you need to do in your own country you need to know English instead of your mother tongue. If you want a job you must know English (Muzi, 33).
The quote above clearly illustrates again the commonly perceived direct correlation between 'being educated', 'being intelligent', 'being successful' and 'being proficient in English'. In several interviews that were conducted in isiZulu the interviewee stated that s/he only speaks isiZulu because they are not educated, i.e.
"Ngisebenzisa isiZulu ngoba angifundile ".
An argument that was repeatedly voiced against English echoes Ngugi's (1986) sentiments as previously outlined in the theoretical foundations of this study. Many interviewees do not see English as indigenous to South Africa and perceive it as what is termed an 'exile' language in the quote below.
There is one thing that I don't like about English because it is an exile language. It is not our home language (Jabulani, 18).
The etymology of the term 'exile' used in relation to English, seems to stem from the fact that most ANC leaders stayed in English speaking exile, such as Great Britain or the United States. The label 'ex-colonial language', in contrast, is hardly employed in relation to English by Umlazi participants. Although several interviewees voice the belief that losing one's mother tongue, i.e. isiZulu, is
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directly associated with turning away from Zulu culture, some also highlight the communicative value of English. Vusi (19), says English is very important because "ngaphandlekwalo ngeke ukwazi ukuxhumana nabantu bezinye izizwe [without it you cannot be able to communicate with people of other races]. Zandile (28) is of the opinion that "English can't influence anyone if he knows his culture or her culture. But if you living here you need to know some other languages in order to communicate with other people".
Several other sociolinguistic studies in South Africa have outlined the instrumental and communicative motives for regarding English highly (see, for instance Mhlanga 1995, Murray 2002). The conducted interviews suggest, however, a more diverse and conflicting reality with regard to attitudes towards English. A significant number of isiZulu-speakers seem to harbour resentment over the exceptionally powerful status of English in South Africa. It appears that many learners do not really like English, but have simply learnt to accept it as a ticket to a better future, as expressed below:
It is like that, we don't like English, but well... when you want to work, anywhere, you know... we are forced to understand English because when you go anywhere to look for a job, they use English...
so, I don't like English, because I do it for my future, that's all (Nonhlanhla, 23).
I just speak English because I have to. Before the white man came here, no one was talking it, you are the ones who changed us, why?
They must be the ones that should speak Zulu, not us speak English.
English was not from this country. English was from overseas. They must know our language, but the whites did not want to learn our language (Buhle, 34).
South Africa's sociolinguistic history of colonialism and the atrocity of the apartheid system as an officially 'only' bilingual one (English/Afrikaans) still sparks much of the dislike and resentment towards the 'white' languages. Needless to say, most isiZulu-speakers are well aware of the prevailing unequal sociolinguistic power relations in the country, and their province in particular.
Several interviewees voiced resentment over the fact that English is what is perceived as the dominant language in KwaZulu-Natal, despite the fact that it is only spoken by a minority in KwaZulu-Natal.
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In general, the interview data challenges the common belief that the English language is seen as a neutral language in South Africa, a belief that Ndebele (1994) challenged a decade ago when he said that "English is not an innocent language". In juxtaposing English with isiZulu, many interviewees emphasised the understanding of isiZulu as indigenous to South Africa. The participants further provide arguments in support of a rather primordial understanding of language, culture and identity in which isiZulu features as an agent for Zuluness. There are indications that suggest that sceptical views towards the English language are frequently linked to notions of strong ethnolinguistic identity formations based on isiZulu and a commitment to Zulu culture. The data collected from the interviews indicate a great potential for the vitality of isiZulu. This leads us to the question of the role of isiZulu and its potential as a language of education.