Sports code identification
5.2. Narrative analysis findings
5.2.3. Envisaged futures, doing and having
The luxury motor car was a recurring image in the narratives of most black participants for example Thulani (Nil), Mandla (N12), Nkosinathi from School A (N14) and Bhekani (N13) from School B. The narratives in which they occurred largely contained
intradiegetic future scenarios or aspirations that were signified by the image of the luxury car and associated with descriptions of middle class, professional lifestyles. Finding a single canonical narrative for accomplishing this future identity was not however possible, as there were also opposing alternatives or re-inscriptions around imagined futures as adult males.
Thulani was a son of professional parents and attended School A. In his narrative (Nl 1) the luxury motor car was associated with 'passion', 'power' and the feeling of being 'a young free South African'. Thulani envisaged his first motor car as a gift from his parents when he had left school and become a university student. For Mandla, a
township boy also attending School A, car ownership signified success with girls coupled with approval from the 'guys', converging on the image of being a 'player' (rich and heterosexually successful). Mandla presented multiple narrative perspectives on the imagined scenario of a young man driving a luxury car in the township (N12). From the onlooker's perspective, the car was a signifier of multiple 'successes' including 'he's good at girls' and 'he's doing well for himself. For the imagined owner of the car, the ownership was a 'having' that displaced the need for 'doing' in order to prove
'acceptable' masculinity. It was, in effect a 'fetish' signifying an accomplished dominance or a 'passport' to a hegemonic masculinity based on 'having'. This
interpretation linked well with Kevin's portrayal of boys with girlfriends (as 'trophies')
not having to display a peer-verified emphasised masculinity - a process of'having' masculinity displacing 'doing' masculinity.
Bhekani (N12) from School B organised his aspirations of owning a house and having professional employment around the image of the Mercedes Benz as a signifier of independence. The means to this independence were opportunities in the present,
particularly those around education and access to technology. Similar narratives occurred elsewhere in the School B sample and were evidenced in the recurring 'canonical'
photograph of participants working on computers at home or in school. Further on in the interview, Bhekani introduced a counter-narrative to the canonical version that education and technology would create individual opportunities and stable professional
employment. He began by contrasting the situation of the local factory workers with the canonical narrative.
Mnqobi Awungichazele ngalaba (Tell me about these people)
Bhekani This was at work with my neighbours. I work with them. This was overtime day working in the plank factory. In life I can never say what work the Lord is going to offer me. These people I work with when they were growing up they thought they would have better jobs but it must be up to you to study for a job when you are a young man. You must grow up believing in your dreams.
Challenged by the interviewer, Bhekani then introduced a counter-narrative, perhaps more rooted in the past struggle than Thulani's 'young', 'free' South Africanness.
Mnqobi How does it make you feel that some jobs are still done by certain races, like in this plank factory, when we are supposed to be living in a democracy?
Bhekani Well, I think it's because of poverty but we can see change. Yet there is oppression here. You shouldn't see blacks only working here. We must see that we are the same. Jobs should not be determined by colour.
An opposition was evoked between the optimistic canonical narrative and a narrative that drew on the language of the liberation struggle. The partial resolution to the conflict was suggested in terms of the 'shoulds' of living in the democracy and not its economic and racially divided realities.
Nkosinathi (N13) was a School A participant originally from the townships who had then moved to the suburbs. His narrative suggested a contrast between a township view of success as the wearing of'nice clothes' and driving 'fancy cars' with his less valourised success as an educated young man. Although Nkosinathi positioned himself as
intradiegteic narrator in future scenarios of educational accomplishment and vocational success, rather than in images of visible consumption, the tension in his narrative occurred around the trope 'slayer'. Although 'slayer' was negatively associated with 'thieves' and 'taxi-drivers', it seemed that for Nkosinathi, a part of him was drawn towards being a 'slayer' of sorts. At the same time he maintained a direction towards becoming a 'responsible citizen or whatever'. Nkosinathi resolved the tension elsewhere by suggesting he would be 'successful' but not 'flashy'.
Nkosinathi After success you get to buy nice things (.) David What sort of car would you like to own?
Nkosinathi Uh (.) I wouldn't be flashy even though I'd have money I would be under-cover (.) ja (.)
David Under cover?
Nkosinathi Ja (.) So false image or whatever (.) but I don't like being flashy Visible consumption featured strongly in Aaron's and Aslaam's descriptions of
hegemonic standards among Indian boys. This focus was less so for Ziyeed, who focused on cultures of sports consumptions through supporting soccer teams and following Islam, and Tim, a prefect at School A, who focused on academic and sporting achievements.
Although distancing himself from this by focusing on academic success, Aaron named
the 'flash' of new cars and clothes as the signifiers of accepted masculinity among most Indian young men, as indicated in the closing words of the interview.
Aaron ... If you 'in' with the new trends the new fashions (.) you masculine think that's the whole masculinity in the new generation and that's what they see as important (.) that's my final thought on the matter (.) Visible consumption was positioned as a signifier of'having' a masculinity that was decided on the basis of peer-group affirmation.