Defining gender as a social relational phenomenon, Scott in Tuyizera, (2007), perceives it as
“differences between the sexes and as a primary way of signifying relationships of power”
(Tuyizera, 2007, p.130). The experiences of womanhood and manhood are inseparable from relations of power and domination. Pearson, Whitehead, and Young as cited by Tuyizera, (2007), refer to gender relations in terms of the general character of male-female relations within the household, in particular, those of male dominance and female subordination. In patriarchal society two main structural processes disempower women. These are:
assertions of male superiority based on their physical and intellectual ability, and the control exercised by men over the prime factors of production and economic factors (Tuyizera, 2007, p. 129).
This section adopts the two definitions of gender relations and presents scholarly perspectives of how gender relations ultimately render women vulnerable to adverse decision-making within the homestead.
In the traditional African context, the male figure is the one that dictates almost every activity that needs to happen within the homestead. He decides which house to build; when a wife must come home; what she should wear; who she talks to and what they talk about; how many children they should have; how children have to be spaced with respect to age gaps between children. He also chooses partners for their daughters and sons. The women’s role is to feed the family by growing crops, and to ensure that there is sufficient food for the family for the whole year. Sexuality is perceived as a site for women’s subordination. Through marriage, a woman’s
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sexuality is placed under her husband’s control for his pleasure and for patrilineal procreation (Lewis, 2008).
How male domination positions women at a disadvantage
In their document or framework for guiding the Lesotho Government on how best to respond to the escalating rates of HIV and AIDS, Kimaryo, Okpaku, Githuku-Shongwe, Feeney, (2004) highlighted that one of the underlying structural contexts of HIV and AIDS are power relations that exacerbate the spread of HIV and AIDS. They asserted that:
….even when they have the necessary information and knowledge, women often lack the power to determine when and with whom to have sex, let alone to insist that their sexual partner uses a condom (Kimaryo et al., 2004, p.51).
This assertion is supported by scholarly views which touch on the not so useful knowledge around HIV and AIDS that women may possess, which in material terms does not translate into any behavioural change within the homestead. This is evident in studies by Raffaelli and Suarez- Al-Adam, (1984); Ximena, Clara, Maziel and Caceres, (2009); and Tallis, (2012).
Looking at this power imbalance within the home setting, Apusigah, (2008) draws on its negative consequences for women, especially in home-based couple testing, in discordant couples, where the HIV-negative partner is usually the woman. In that setting and given the power imbalance that is skewed against the woman, she gets caught up between maintaining both her HIV negative status and saving her marriage. Due to fear of infection, women refuse to engage in unprotected sexual activities. This refusal often leads to intimate partner violence or to the man moving out of the home to look for other sexual partners to satisfy his desire, which further increases the woman’s vulnerability.
The other contributing factor that Langen,(2005); and Tallis, (2012) draw attention to, is the age gap in marriages in the African setting, whereby a male partner is usually relatively older than
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his female counterpart, thus further unbalancing the power relationship. This is particularly so within a patriarchal society where age and seniority are considered important in social life (Langen, 2005, p. 188). Muller, (2005) provides insights into early socialization of girls by their mothers, aunts and grandmothers whereby women are taught to be subordinate and to respect men’s wishes. She therefore blames these practices and argues that they contribute towards making women subservient to men. These inequalities she posits, make it difficult for women to discuss and successfully negotiate safer sexual practices with their partners.
In addition, culture plays a role in shaping the passive behavior of women and girls during sexual encounters which mostly place between young women and older men (Muller, 2005, p.32). Some communities, Langen, (2005) opines, share the idea that at some level it is culturally acceptable for a husband to beat a wife or hit her when he is angry. If a man makes a woman angry, she must just apologise and has to respect the man. Building on this notion, Griffiths, (1997) highlights that in marriage relationships, men and women find themselves differentially situated regarding the kinds of claims they can make on one another as spouses. It is culturally acceptable for a man to directly address his wife’s infidelity in the public sphere, but society considers a similar claim coming from a wife as inappropriate conduct. Views expressed from Mozambique on gender and sexuality opine that if there is that behaviour coming from the man, the wise thing for a woman to do will be to wait until the bedroom privacy, and to settle the matter through seduction, not confrontation. Arnfred puts it thus:
…if your husband does something you do not like, then make love to him, prepare him a nice meal. The next day he will say you are “his mother” which means he will pay you respect, and follow your lead (Arnfred, 2011, p. 139).
In the case where the husband neglects to provide for his family, Arnfred, (2011) proposes that this issue be raised in an indirect manner. A woman therefore is not culturally allowed to question or request compensation or material support from her partner (contrary to her
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husband). The marriage attributes certain characteristics as forming or making a good wife.
These include:
…she who always attends to her man regardless of when he came/returned home or where he has been; she who always prepares food for him; washes his clothes and works hard to develop their household. The only time she is allowed to lodge a complaint about his sexual affairs with other women is when the husband neglects her or their children. On the contrary, societal perceptions of a good husband is: he who may have sexual affairs outside of his home, as long as he does not ill-treat, neglect or fail to support his family;
he who does not leave his wife or live apart from her without cause; and he who does not use her household property to support another woman (Arnfred, 2011, p. 140).
These factors that support male infidelity outside the home have a negative impact on the economic and social conditions of women as well as their ability to make informed decisions about their lives as well as their health. The section below looks at the literature on HIV prevention as an entry point towards an effective fight against HIV and AIDS.