3.4 Ethical considerations
4.1.4 Jacob Zuma
When one considers that the newsgroup was established under the title Help Us Stop Zuma from becoming South Africa‟s next President, it is noteworthy how comparatively few comments directly relate to Zuma, with only twelve comments referring to him by name. Discussion relating to Zuma revolves around four major themes: Allegations of Rape and Corruption, Democracy, HIV/AIDS and Reactions to Zuma as President.
A large proportion of conversation about Zuma in the newsgroup text related to Zuma‘s rape and corruption trials. For full discussion see the analysis section in Appendix iii Section 7.3.3. Briefly summarised, the case presented in that section is that some
Afrocentric philosophers (Madlala and Druza) have claimed that Zuma‘s rape allegation in particular is evidence of white racist judgement of normal aspects of Zulu tradition in relations between men and women. This has been refuted however by some black feminists who claim that using culture as ―an excuse‖ (Kadalie, 2010) discredits Zulu culture and angers many black people.
Speaking generally about Zuma‘s corruption charge, Afrocentric philosopher, Madlala, states that even if Zuma is corrupt, the Afrocentric perspective would not see this as rendering Zuma unfit for presidency since ―Africans look at the bigger picture, not because they condone corruption, but because they weigh other things in balance‖
(Madlala, 2005, quoted in Sesanti, 2008: 365). The term ‗African‘ here is problematic and has been dwelt on by a number of intellectuals and social commentators (Nakasa, 1964; Mda, 1999; Nesbitt, 1999 and Granelli, 1999, cited in Fourie, 2008: 289-290).
However, if Madlala means ‗black‘ by ―African‖, the text illustrates that opposition to Zuma and aversion to corruption originates from both black and white South Africans. A response to this may be that as blacks have been swamped by Eurocentric ideology in the media and in schools, they too may have internalised ‗foreign‘ attitudes.
The most striking feature about the discussion in the text regarding Zuma‘s rape and corruption allegations is that contributors‘ comments belie serious conviction of Zuma‘s guilt, despite his acquittal on the charge of rape and the fact that the corruption charges were dropped. The contributors‘ statements appear to justify statements by ANC spokesperson Jessie Duarte at the time of Zuma‘s trials, that ―Mr Zuma has been found guilty in the court of public opinion‖ (Duarte, cited in SAPA, 2008). The comments which refer to Zuma as a ―a corrupt-rapist‖ may also indicate that these contributors perceive Zuma‘s acquittal as evidence that the judiciary is not free from political
interference, which may account for Michael‘s comment ―When the justice system fails what else is there?‖ Since the separation of powers is considered prerequisite for
democratic functioning, such comments may also imply contributors‘ doubts as to the future of democracy in South Africa under Zuma‘s presidency.
In-keeping with the second point of Parker‘ plan for the identification and analysis of discourse (Parker, 1992: 6-20), I looked for synonyms for the word ―hysterical‖, used by Michael to describe Zuma‘s supporters. When unpacked like this, the word‘s
connotations construct an image of this (mostly) black group as ‗crazed‘, ‗demented‘,
‗frenzied‘, ‗frantic‘, ‗irrational‘ and ‗out-of-control‘ (Spooner, 2001: 440, and MicroSoft Office XP Thesaurus). If ―objects of thought are constructed in and through discourse‖
(Louw and Potgieter, 1994: 161), the uncovering of attitudes to other groups embedded in language constructions in casual discussions can be useful in exposing the discourse practices which form the basis of discriminatory action (Billig, 1985, in ibid: 161). Since black ANC supporters form the political/numeric majority in South Africa, Michael‘s mental picture of this group and the fear such perceptions give rise to, may reveal a cycle of prejudice that such discourses could generate.
It is worth noting however, that Michael‘s comment about Zuma‘s supporters
―threatening (indirectly) militant action‖, is not simply a fabrication to portray ANC supporters in a negative light, nor is it simply a fictitious statement stemming from white paranoia. For example, Julius Malema declared, in the run up to the election, when Zuma was facing allegations of corruption, ―We are prepared to take up arms and kill for Zuma‖ (Malema, 2009, quoted in Ndlovu, 2010), a statement anathema to democratic principles.
With the exception of the somewhat ambiguous comment by Brian (―There goes the country‘s economy... Bloody pessimists have been saying that since 94... The people have spoken. Long Live the President‖), the newsgroup‘s reactions to the election results express disappointment and dismay. It is significant, given the discourse identified earlier in the analysis linking anti-ANC sentiments to white racism, that both black and white South Africans are upset by Zuma‘s victory when it is officially announced.
Mandilakhe‟s reaction to election results, ―KILL ME FAST SUM1!!!!!!,‖ may be considered as the most hyperbolic negative reaction to the news of Zuma as president elect. The fact that this comment originates from a female contributor may link this excessively pessimistic comment to the gender implications involved in the election of a man accused of rape as president of the country. Women‘s Rights Division executive director of Human Rights Watch, Liesl Gerntholt, said, ―Mr. Zuma's comments about women during and after the trial, including about how women should dress, clearly indicate that he holds very problematic views about the roles of women and men in society,‖ (Gerntholt, 2009, in Human Rights Watch, 2009). Zuma‘s appeal to Zulu culture in his legal defense may be a contributing factor in Mandilakhe‘s apparent fear, since from her name it can be deduced that she is probably Zulu speaking.