CHAPTER 3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
3.4 Masculinity in soap opera
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mountain’ and their circumcision, and take their vow of silence very seriously. If anything happens in the mountain, like losing one’s penis or losing sexual function, a man will remain silent among his fellow siblings and friends who are still going to go to the mountain for traditional circumcision. If a man dies during or after circumcision, or has severe complications during the process, he will still be regarded as a man, and will be respected by all for undergoing such an experience (Tenge 2006).
Despite these negative stories of emasculation, it is clear that the apartheid policies still remain the most significant cause of Black emasculation. Black men were emasculated for so long through so many policies, laws and systems that they have used various methods to attempt to regain their masculine identity and authority that was lost for so many years. Traditional circumcision is one such method, which is highly dangerous unless adequately controlled, but is still pursued as a way of proving the very point of a Black man’s power and masculinity.
As discussed earlier in the chapter, much of the literature shows that Black men have been oppressed and that their power or manhood has been stripped away from them in several ways, such as through the apartheid system, the consequences of HIV, poverty, school failure, violence and unemployment. However, it is crucial to recognise that Black men are not all victims under difficult circumstances (Ratele 2008). Although, because of negative factors, Black masculinity in South Africa has been considered to be in crisis, a more holistic understanding of Black South African masculinity can be achieved by also focusing on educated, law-abiding, and healthy, employed Black men (Ratele 2008).
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Masculinity, as observed on television or in the media in general, is represented by a set of constructed actions and discourses of certain groups of men. Certain individuals emerge who are distinguished as holding representations of positions of power and authority (Ratele 2011). The Chief in Muvhango, for example, is easily identified, because everyone has to bow down before him before they speak, he has to give them permission to speak, and he has to be respected and honoured by all. This then affirms that certain forms of Black masculinity are strongly connected to notions of tradition and class. This is displayed through stories or productions that depict elements of wealth and tradition, where if a character performs the role of being wealthy, intelligent or educated, then his performance is automatically respected (Buiten & Naidoo 2013).
An example of this is a new male character (Dr Zwane) who was introduced in Muvhango recently. Presented as a well-spoken doctor, he was automatically trusted by the Chief and the whole community of Thathe, but was ultimately revealed as a deceiver who was seeking the chieftaincy and the Chief’s wife. Elements of wealth, status and tradition thus played a role in his performances of masculinity.
Performances of masculinity are also expressed through stories that affirm specific religious constructs of manhood. In Muvhango, performances of masculinities are implicated and embedded in the stories of Black South Africans in Venda cultural constructions of manhood.
Figure 1. Huisgenoot Tempo magazine represents several types of masculinities
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Figure 2. Muvhango presents several masculinities within the South African context Masculinities are constructed through the process of representation and discourse (Connell 1995) and categories of masculinity have become defined. Tempo magazine (Figure 1), which caters largely to Afrikaans communities, depicts several types of masculinities: the boer, the metro man, the sportsman, the retro man, the student, the worker and the rebel (Pretorius 2013). Likewise, Muvhango (Figure 2) presents several stereotypical representations of Black masculinities, such as the polygamist, the sangoma, the low working-class man, the violent man, the emotionally inarticulate man, the student intern, and the evil businessman. Many more recent South African television programmes reflect a new genre of male-centred television dramas that display important shifts in conceptions of masculinity (Buiten & Naidoo 2013).
Muvhango presents multiple depictions of masculinity, from metrosexuals to hegemonic patriarchs, as does Tempo. However, the specific discourses within Afrikaans culture are different from those of Black culture, although there are similar types of masculinities.
Among the most common in Black culture are:
• The metrosexual man
‘Metrosexual’ is also known as the ‘new’ masculinity. This term originated in 1994 in Britain and was used to describe the disposition of modern men who embrace self- beautification and enjoy interests that used to be associated only with women and homosexual men, such as shopping and fashion (Viljoen 2008). Evidence of this new masculinity in South Africa has been explored in the form of advertising in men’s lifestyle magazines. James in Muvhango corresponds to Viljoen’s metrosexual man,
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because his character embraces self-beautification in terms of fashion trends and his sense of style. Respondents in this study identified James as a metrosexual man, because he wore tight T-shirts and was stylish.
• The retro man
The retro man is defined by reminiscence for the past. He is a man who indulges in historicism in clothing and style (Martin & Koda 1989). Unlike the metrosexual man, the retrosexual man is not associated with activities that are usually associated with women, such as shopping and fashion. He is a confident man who is distinguished from the general men of the town. The retro man’s attire is influenced by styles from the 1930s to the 1980s and draws inspiration from several sources, which include musicians and actors (Pretorius 2013). Muvhango does not have many examples of men in retro style. KK is one of the most notorious businessmen in Muvhango; he is intelligent and confident even though most of his business dealings are illegal. He is best known for his shiny suits that were influenced by the styles from the 1930s. KK’s hair is always perfectly trimmed and shiny like his suits.
Figure 3. James in Muvhango is a typical representation of metrosexual masculinity
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• The worker
The worker, according to Martin and Koda (1989), will generally be depicted at leisure, dressed in jeans and a white shirt. The traditional off-duty clothing of the worker is an unbuttoned shirt, tight-fitting clothing and fashionably styled hair. Sizwe in Muvhango is an example of the worker.
• The student
The student appears in groups, has a cool hairstyle, and wears branded clothing and accessories. He enjoys life and is intelligent but not geeky.
Figure 5. Vusi in Muvhango is a typical representation of the student Figure 4. KK is a corporate character in Muvhango who always wears excessively shiny suits
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All the men in Muvhango are central to the women in their lives: the Chief with his five wives, the Mayor with his murderous wife, the sangoma with his supermodel girlfriend, the CEO with his wife who has cancer, the Chief’s advisors who do not know how to approach women, or the Chief’s servant, who cannot afford lobola to marry the girl whom he loves. The men are the central core of the narrative. The women come and go with much less drama than is afforded the moments when the men are feuding.
Muvhango presents several categories of contemporary South African masculinities, including the hegemonic man, who allows inequality in his home. This is represented in Muvhango in the Chief’s household, where his wives bow before him, where he dominates and where there are inequalities in the relationships. There is also evidence of residual masculinities where the man is the head of the household. This is represented in Muvhango in the relationship between Meme and KK, where Meme has to listen to exactly what KK requires of her and be obedient to him. Lastly, there are also emergent masculinities, where roles in the home can be negotiated and changed. This is seen in the marriage of Albert and Hangwani, who negotiate roles in their relationship, allowing for past, present and emerging discourses and ideologies to coexist.
Muvhango raises questions about the conventional patriarchal systems in typical South African urban and rural homes. It also portrays certain aspects of Western culture, rather than remaining confined to a specifically African representation of masculinities.
This is seen in a situation when the Chief stands up for a widow whose inheritance Figure 6. There are always women or a woman in the stories of each male representation in Muvhango
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would have been taken away from her. His decision empowered the widow and recognised her human rights, which is a situation not always endorsed by African representations of masculinity, particularly those that endorse patriarchy.
Muvhango portrays men who are good listeners and who communicate their feelings, such as Busani (the businessman), Albert (the father figure), Sizwe (the ladies’ man) and James (the metrosexual man) (Brown 1994; Van Der Merwe 2012). Men in soap operas tend to be more willing to talk about their feelings than men in real life. Expressing feelings is regarded as a more feminine trait. Fiske (1995: 344) argues that masculine power in soap opera is given a “feminine inflection” through showing men talking about their feelings. This feminine inflection perhaps reflects and supports the idea that contemporary masculinities are continuously changing in response to ongoing societal changes, including increasing global policy commitments to gender equality (Connell &
Messerschmidt 2005).
In this section I looked closely at how the roles, contexts and possibilities for identity formation of Black South African men have changed in response to societal changes, including the post-apartheid policies and how these may have emasculated Black men. I have considered how these aspects affect Black men. While apartheid may have affected Black men’s masculinities negatively, it is also crucial that we recognise that there are many Black men who, in spite of all the drawbacks and obstacles they have faced, are capable of being breadwinners and carers for their families.
The next chapter focuses on the use of ethnographic methods of data generation and analysis in my study.
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