Miscellaneous sources of income

For the single-parent family, there are various other miscellaneous sources of income which mayor may not be available.

particularly common.

Severa 1 are

First, where the family are not themselves lodgers, there may be the possibility of taking in one or more lodgers, depending on the space available and the conditions under which the family occupies its residence. This may be a fairly substantial proportion of the family's income, especially in lower income households, although the price paid there in overcrowding may be very high. However, income from lodgers is included by the va rious depa rtments when estima ting the entitlement to a grant (SANCA,Nov.1983l. In the case of Whites, Coloureds and Indians, 25, of lodgers' payments, where there are three or more lodgers, is assessed as income. This excludes married children living at home. In the case of Blacks, ~ payment from lodgers is assessed as income. This includes children of the family who are working or capable of working, but in their case the Department fixes a 'reasonable amount' as rent (SANCA,Nov.1983l.

I'

I

I

i

Second, one or more memt>ers of the family may participate in the informal sector of the economy. women may, for example, do dress_king for neighbours, or, as in Crossroads, sell sour milk, sheeps' heads, skins, chickens, or other items. Among the poorest section of the community, children may earn small amounts by, for example, assisting as street-sellers, delivering advertising leaflets, or as newspaper vendors. These activities, however, tend to be undertaken at the expense of schooling and so are detrimental in the longer term to work-seeking. No examples aro~e in interviews of legal means of participating in the informal sector which made a large contribution to the household's income, although some had an importance for the family out of all proportion to the amount received because of the lack· of other support. Illegal participation in the informal economy, particularly the· running of shebeens and dagga dealing, are frequently, it appears, much more profitable, but carried other risks, including that of leaving the family without any adult provider.

Third, familial assistance may be forthcoming in the provision of free or low cost accommodation with parents or relatives for so~ or all of the secondary family. As has been mentioned above, with Black families and, to a lesser extent, Coloured families, children are frequently sent to rural relatives. Such familial assistance was usually very helpful financially to the recipient family. However, particularly in overcrowded lower-income households, living with family in such circumstances frequently appeared to create co·nsiderable stress for women informants .and was rega rded as an undesirable necessity.

A state grant _y be jeopardized by any of these sources of income, should they come to the attention of the Welfare authorities.

It can therefore be seen that nOrDBl sources of income for a secondary family are likely to be low, especially for those where the woman is uneducated and no children are wage earners. In add! tion, considerable non-pecuniary problems at.tached to most sources, especia.lly for the lower income, less educated women.

4. secondary family eXpenses

On the other hand, secondary family expenses are often higher than thOSE!

of two-parent families.

below.

Some of the main ones are discussed briefly

A. Housing

On divorce the property owned by the parties forms either a joint estate or remains with the person who acquired it, depending on whether the parties are aarried in community of property or by a form of marriage which keeps the property separate (by ante-nuptial contract for all population groups except Blacks, for whom the automatic form of marriage is laid down as being out of community of property, but with the marital power residing with the husband). The vast majority of couples own very little of substance. Where a couple does own anything substa ntia 1, i t is usus lly thei r house. If they a re lIB rried by ante-nuptial contract, i t is likely that the house will be owned by the husband and will remain his after divorce. Interview data indicated that i t was not common in South Africa for the husband to allow the wife and children to remain in the house while he lived elsewhere. On the

other hand, only a tiny minority were able or willing to buy another house for the wife, and even fewer wives were able themselves to buy another house. A high proportion of seconda ry fami lies from

ante-nuptia 1 contract Ita rriages therefore appa rently either moved into rented accommodation or moved in with the ex-wife's family.

Whe re the nB rriage \omS in community of property, interview da ta indicated that, where there was home ownership, the house was usually either sold and the proceeds divided between the parties, or the husband bought the wife's share of the property. Again, the secondary family frequently moved in with the wife's family or into rented

accommodation. Unless the original house had been large, half of the va lue of the house did not usually stretch to provide for the purchase of another house, especially as the wife's lower earnings would considerably reduce the bond repayments she was able t.o make. Indeed, unless the wife's earnings or maintenance payments were unusually high, it appeared that the standard of rented accommodation she could afford for her family W"dS almost invariably below the standard of that enjoyed before the divorcp..

I t was not common to find arrangements whereby the wife and children remained in the marital home until the children were adult, after which it was to be reclaimed by the husband or sold. Nor, where such arrangements did occur, did they appear to be satisfactory for the wife. Apart from endless friction between the ex-spouses over

I'

I

I

maintenance of the house, such arrangements left the wife without accommodation at a psychologically and financially difficult point -

just as her family was leaving home ~nd her income was dropping due to the end of child support payments. Unless her sa la ry and/or

maintenance payments had been unusually high. it would be unlikely that she could· have saved much. if anything. prior to that date.

therefore then be reliant on her earnings to pay for rented

She would

accommoda tion. which would probably be of a much lower sta nda rd tha n the marital home had been.

Among the poorer sections of the community, housing prior to divorce would probably have been council housing, rented accommodation, or lodging with either strangers or family. In the latter two cases, the usual fall in the family's income after divorce would either render a move to cheaper quarters necessary, ·or else reduce money available for

other items. Where accommodation was council housing, the house would invariably have been in the husband's name, and in some cases the wife might not be able to get it transferred to her. even where she was awarded custody of the children. 14 Where this occurred. she might.

however, if Coloured, be able to get another house. if she could afford the rent· on her post-divorce income. (The same consideration would, of course, apply if she remained in the original house.) If Indian or Black. her chances of getting another council house in Cape Town would be very low. given the acute shortage of housing. Due to the resulting high demand for rented accommodation and lodging for these two sections of the population. i t is likely that any accommodation approaching a standard of housing equivalent to the family's pre-divorce council house would cost much more than council housing. If, as is common. the family income had in fact fallen on divorce, it follows that the family's standard of accommodation would have to be drastically reduced except in the ra re instances where a friend or family member with an unusually uncrowded house could accommodate them indefinitely.

Thirty-year leases (and, outside Cape Town. 99-year leases) appear to offer an alternative possibility of a fairly permanent home for Biack women who earn rather above the average woman's wage. However,

practically all women are in fact barred from getting such housing because building societies will not lend them the necessary money, since women have no contractual capacity under cuStODBry law. . Even if a

woman can prove that she is not ... rried by custo ... ry law, fear of a subsequent customary law marriage by her prevents all except one building society from making the necessary loan (Cape Times, 8 Sept.

1980,12 Aug.1983). An exception to this is houses offered on the 'Big Sale' by the Government, which in November 1983 negotiated an agreement with certain building societies whereby the latter would grant loans to women Big Sale buyers on a ceded deed of sale. In return, the

Department of Community Development is to issue the societies with housing securities (Rand Daily Mail,2 Nov. 1 983). However, this does not apply in cape Town, where the only 30-year leasehold houses at prese nt a re not on the Big Sa le • I t should be noted that in Cape Town men too are unable to get building society loans for 30-year leasehold because such leases are in fact sub-leases and rather tenuous (telephone interview,Urban Foundation housing official,1S Mar.1984).

B. Chi idea re

Most women in secondary families, especially in the lower income groups, are obliged to work fUll-time irrespective of the age of their children. Live-out domestic servants leave home at daybreak and often return after nightfall. Childcare facilities are therefore essential.

These range from the free to the very expensive, depending on their nature and availability. However, as in the case of other welfare services, their availability and the extent to which they are subsidized for different section of the population appears to be largely in inverse rather than direct proportion to the needs of their users.

For Whites, there are 26 full-day registered creches 1S in the magisterial districts of Cape Town, Wynberg and Simonstown, and 19 in the northern suburbs (Hea lth and Welfare,1 Oct.1983;telephone interview, Depa rtmenta 1 socia 1 worker, 22 Ma r. 1 984,23 Ma r. 1 984) • Some creches are private enterprises and others are run by welfare organizations. Only the latter receive any State assistance. (State subsidies are divided into two types, welfare and educational, and administered for the creches a nd nursery schools of the va rious 'population groups' by a total of six different departments.) A State subsidy of approximately 88 cents per child per day is paid by the Department of Health and Welfare. This, however, applies only where the combined income of the parents does not exceed R540 per month where there is one child, R622

... here there are two children. R648 ... here there are three children. and R100 where there a re four or more chi Idren (cadna n. 198 3b) • Most Wh,ite creches have a qualified pre-school teacher in attendance. which attracts an additional State subsidy where the ,creche is run by a ... elfare organization. In 1983 the fees of creches n.nged from approximately R15 to Rl00 per month per child.

For ',Coloured and Asian children there are 23' registered, creches, but most creches are not registered (interviews Welfare agency.14 Har.

1984; probation officer, Department of Internal Affairs,21 Mar.1984).

However, they usually receive a state subsidy only ... here they have a qualified pre-school teacher in attendance. in which case the subsidy is R30 per child per qua rter for chi Idren aged 3-6 yea rs. Coloured pre-school teachers of children aged 5 years have only recently become subsidized; Indian teachers are not subsidized (cadman,1983b;telephone intervielot,Departmental official.22 Mar.1984). Where creches do receive a state subsidy per Child. the amount is 50 cents per day. To receive this, the combined income of the parents cannot exceed R280 where there is one child, R310 ... here there are two, R340 where there are three, or R370 where there a re four or more (Cadman, 1983b, telephone intervie ....

social worker, 23 Mar.1984). The fees of creches range from approximately R4 to R6 per week.

There are only 33 creches and nursery schools for B~Ck children in the cape Peninsula, most of which are not registered (intervie .... welfare agency, 14 Mar.1984). Approximately 13 nursery schools, by virtue of their having a qualified pre-school teacher, qua~ify for a,state subsidy of R25 per quarter ,frOll\ the Department of Education and Training, but only for children aged 5 years., Only where the creche is registered and the parents' combined income is less than R50, the State, (through the Department of Co-operation and Development) pays a subsidy per child of between 1t cents per day. but this is paid to only four creches in South Africa • The Department regards 'it as actually the duty of the

Administration Boards to pay this subsidy, but the Western cape

Administn.tion Board's finances are currently very low and no creche is receiving a subsidy from them at present (telephone interview,social lotorker,23 Mar.1984).

to R9 per week.

The cost of creches ranges from approximately R2 '

Table 14. Creches: a Comparison of the Main Conditions and Amounts involved in 1983 for each Population Group in Cape Town

Condi tions etc. White Col./Asian Black

Number of creches 45 23 33

13 registered Educa tiona 1 R30 per I for R25 per I only

subsidy 3-6 yr. olds for S yr. olds

We lfa re subs idy 88c per day SOc per day 7tc per day1 To get maximum

welfare subsidy, R540 R280 RSO

how much parents can earn p/month Approx. cost for

full-day ca re R75 - R100 p/m R4 -R6 per wk. R2 - R9 p/wk.

Notes: 1. Paid by the Department of Co-operation and Development 4 creches in South Africa (telephone interview, social worker,23 Mar.1984).

Sources: Cadman, 1983a, 1983b; interviews (personal and telephonic) : Department of Internal Affairs social worker,21 Mar.1984;

Depa rtment of Hea lth and welfa re officia 1,22 Ma r .1984;

Department of Inter"",l Affairs official,22 Mar.1984; CAD social worker,22 Mar.1984; Department of Health and Welfare socidl worker,23 Mar.1984i social worker,23 Mar.1984.

For many single mothers, therefore, creches are financially inaccessible, especially for the poor. Child minders, whether registered or unofficial, do exist, but are not necessarily a cheaper alternative and are often very much in demand. Cheaper help from strangers is also sought when all else fails. A case was seen in the Commissioner's Maintenance Court (19 Mar.1981) where twin Black babies aged a few months were left at a Coloured squatter camp each day because both the single mother and grandmother were fUll-time domestic servants, vhi Ie two sepa ra te Coloured i nforma nts told of how ba bies in thei r families had been left at rural Black kraals by single mothers unable to find other assistance. For the poorest section of the community, free or virtually free childcare is essential. Where help from friends, neighbours, or older relatives is not available, teenage or younger children are sometimes kept out of school to childmind, thereby

7

perpetuating the low level of education and, ultimately, the cycle of poverty (Whisson & Weil,1911).

Where children are no longer toddlers, there are still supervision problems. Afternoon extra-curriculum lessons or supervision adds to the cost of household budgets, although several White interviewees felt- these were essential in the circumstances. For lower income groups, where no familial or neighbour supervision was available, children roamed the street until late. Several Black interviewees felt the unsupervised life of street gangs was so undesirable for their children that they had sent them to boarding school in the Ciskei or Transkei, which added the cost of long journeys several times a year to the other expenses of boarding school.

children in cape Town.

There a re no boa rdi ng sChools for Bla ck

c.

Pensions

Provision for old-age also carries additional' problems for the woman in a secondary family. Where she is already working, she may be in an occupational pension scheme. However, her expected pension from this is likely to be very low, even compared to her income after divorce, as such pensions are usually earnings-related and, as has been pointed out above, most women are working at a lower rate of pay than their ex-husbands. Moreover, mny women join the pensionable workforce late in life, having spent the early years of their marriage~ (';r after divorce) combiniilg part-time work with childcare, or not in paid woEk at all, and hence begin contributing to pension schemes too late to reach their full potential pension even for their pay ·positions. In DBny cases, however, they would have benefitted from their husbands' earnings-related occupational pension had they still'been married when the husband reached retirement age, or had they been widaved, and so made no other provision for old age. In the case of upper and middle income groups, particularly in the White community, the husband's pension may amount to a considerable sum of money, but even so is likely to represent a drop in income for the 'man. Where divorce occurs,. an ex-husband may apply to court for a reduction in any spousal maintenan~e he may be paying, on the grounds of his reduced income. State pensions are low, as are the maximum earnings and assets permit-ted, if a State

pension is to be paid at all 16 • Therefore, if possible, a divorced

woman needs to make additional provision for her old age by making extra payments towards her occupational pension where possible, and/or by taking out a policy to provide for herself on retirement, against which she can, if necessary, borrow. Depending on her age and circumstances, such payments can be high and a considerable expense. However, as a social worker pointed out (interview,S Mar.1984), citing examples, if she makes no provision, she may well find herself in her late fifties without any form of support from her ex-husband (any child support having ceased), not yet eligible for a state pension or any other form of grant, and unable to find work because of her age and lack of skills.

For many women, of course, the option of making some form of provision of the above type is not available, either because their incomes are too low to permit this type of expense, or because there is no pension fund available. Domestic workers are a very relevant example of such a group. The alternatives of savings clubs or personal savings accounts also require money to be set aside out of household budgets. A few employers take out policies for their workers, but an attempt in 19B1 to set up a Domestic' Pension Fund, into which employers would pay a minimum of R10 per month (Argus,9 Sept.19B1 l, failen though lack of interest.

It can therefore be seen that while most of the expenses listed above are not unique to secondary tami lies, their concentration, together with the addi tiona 1 problem of old age prOVision, is la r..je 1 y peculiar to such families.

5. Strategies for survival

Given this disnal picture of lower income and higher expenses for secondary family mothers, it must be asked what major forms of

assistance exist for them. M has been pointed out, neither of the t..",·o agents usually cited - ex-spouses and the State - provide anything liKe adequate assistance to prevent the secondary family suffering a severe fall in income and conRiderable disadvantage compared with two-parent families. In interviews, officials and lawyers often claimed that among Blacks in particular the extended family rallied round and saved family members from extreme hardship, but interviews with social workers and the families themselves only partially corroborated this.