(Sen, 1999). This argument relates to Freire’s concept of conscientization, where humans become more aware of the sources of their oppression (Blackburn, 2000).
Sen credits basic education as being more than just value addition to production, to include communication, sound argument, rational decision-making and being taken seriously by others (Sen, 1999). This argument therefore expands the role of education, specifically adult education, beyond the confines of modernization theory and neo-liberal theories (Youngman, 2000). Sen’s theory therefore provides good lenses for adult education in EDF, that is, whether adult education is hinged on production, or more broadly, to developing sound reasoning and removing various forms of ‘unfreedom’.
Populism, or the alternative development paradigm, has had a big impact on adult education as a popular movement for social change. This has seen adult education move more to the NGOs away from the state. There has been an international focus on NGOs as agents of development and adult education because of their presumed pro-poor approach and people-centeredness rooted in principles of empowerment and community development.
In conclusion, it can be argued that the state of adult education globally and over time can best be understood from the changing development paradigms. For the last century, for example, modernization theory and neo-liberalism, with their central focus on economic growth, have had greater influence on adult education. Adult education has over time tried to align itself to the changing development debates, not only as a means of staying relevant, but also to tap into funds from funding sources. The next section highlights the concept of NGOs, which is considered key in the case of EDF.
as the latter includes other entities such as social and popular movements, popular organizations, and community-based organizations (Nafukho et al., 2005). Hall (2000; 2009) looks at NGOs or CSOs in a broad sense as forms of social movements, where groups of individuals are clamouring for self governance and determination of self destiny in the development arena (Hall, 2000; Hall, 2009).
NGOs are mainly classified as national or international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) based on their registration status and area of operation. INGOs are those registered abroad and normally operating in a range of countries, whereas those registered in a home country and operating within the same country are referred to as national, local or indigenous NGOs. NGOs are also classified according to their functions or according to their founding bodies, such as faith-based organizations founded by churches and other religious bodies (Hall, 2000; Lekorwe & Mpabanga, 2007; Makoba, 2002).
Internationally, NGOs are traced back to the end of the Second World War, when economic powers sought to lend a hand in the development of poor nations without routing their assistance through governments (Hearn 2007; Heinrich, 2001; Manji & O'Coil, 2002). Lekorwe and Mpabanga (2007) further note that, ‘The roots of NGOs are different according to the geographical and historical context. Although NGOs’ presence and influence is undisputedly spread over the entire globe, their presence has been more in the developing world with funding flowing mainly from the developed world.’
NGOs have been an indispensable partner for national and international development agendas and as a result have been described as the “third sector” after government and the private sector (Lekorwe & Mpabanga, 2007). The central role of NGOs in today’s development agenda can be explained by the dismal performance of the African state in the development process and the resulting changes in international development policy, where the rich nations and societies want to deal directly with poor communities by-passing state structures (Baguma, 2009; Barr et al., 2003; Makoba, 2002; Manji & O'Coil, 2002; Muhumuza, 2005). Hall (2000) notes that; NGOs are increasingly becoming sub-contractors to the World Bank and other international funding bodies. The situation is not very different in Uganda (Barr et al., 2004).
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Whereas Makoba (2002) and Muhumuza (2005) seem to agree that the growth of NGOs in Uganda, just like many other developing countries, is a result of state failure to supply basic services to the population, Muhumuza further attributes the rapid NGO growth in Uganda to relative calm brought about by the advent of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government in 1986. This assumption seems not to hold water, since Kenya and Tanzania, who have been relatively peaceful, have not had the matching growth of NGOs as in Uganda.
Research studies have shown that a number of NGOs operating in rural development place emphasis on, or largely describe their work as educational, awareness-raising or as some form of education and training (Barr et al., 2003; Hearn 2007; Moroso, 2004; Shivji, 2004; Werker &
Ahmed, 2008). This is perhaps based on the view that backwardness, deprivation and powerlessness are a result of lack of education or failure of people to realize their potential because of external forces (Frank & Smith, 1999; Swanepoel & De-Beer, 2006).
Table 1: Nongovernmental organizations in Uganda and Bangladesh in selected activities Percent of sample reporting
Activities Uganda Bangladesh
Raising awareness 97 92
Advocacy and lobbying 60 31
Education and training 57 47
Credit and finance 33 35
Support to farming 32 35
HIV/AID awareness and prevention 21 40
Health care 16 55
Water and sanitation 11 51
Employment facilitation 8 47
Source: Werker & Ahmed (2008), page 85.
As seen from the table above, the majority of NGOs in Uganda, just like in Bangladesh, another developing country, tend to associate their work with adult education related activities such as awareness-raising or training (Barr et al., 2004; Werker & Ahmed, 2008). Major approaches and methods used to spread their messages include workshops, open air speeches, and door-to-door visits. According to Barr et al., (2004, p. 12) ‘The strong emphasis on talking as opposed to the
delivery of physical goods or services probably makes it easier for ineffective or unscrupulous organizations to hide within the sector’. Another profound feature of NGOs in Uganda is that they prefer to take a holistic approach to service delivery. As Barr, et al., (2004, p. 12) note:
Most surveyed NGOs adopt a holistic approach rather than specializing in a specific service or activity. During pre-testing, most respondents resisted, or even resented, being described as service providers, preferring to describe their activities in general terms such as ‘community development’. While this approach guarantees maximum flexibility, it precludes gains from specialization and makes monitoring very difficult.
On the limitations of NGOs as representatives of peoples’ aspirations and destiny, Shivji (2004) notes that ‘NGOs simply cannot substitute themselves for the people. They are neither the elected representatives of the people nor mandated to represent them’ (Shivji, 2004, p. 3). The central argument is that NGOs ought to reconceptualise their fancy titles as ‘stakeholders and partners’ with people in development because this is built on a false foundation. It is for similar reasons that Hall (2000) believes that NGOs cannot in any way claim to offer democratic spaces.
It should further be noted that, in looking at the vision and mission of NGOs, especially those in the South, it is quite difficult to conclusively determine how much of those visions and missions are truly driven by the people they serve. Most programmes and agendas of NGOs are largely externally determined (Contu & Girei, 2013). As Barr, et al., (2004, p. 32) observe, ‘Many Ugandan NGOs indeed de facto or de jure operate as sub-contractors for international donors’.
Shivji (2004) agrees and notes that:
...we are funded by, and rely almost exclusively on, foreign funding. This is the greatest single limitation. ‘Whoever pays the piper plays the tune’ holds true, however much we may want to think otherwise. In many direct and subtle ways, those who fund us determine our agendas, place limits on our agendas or reorient them. Very few of us can really resist the pressures that external funding imposes on us (Shivji, 2004, p. 1).
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Notwithstanding the democratic credentials of NGOs, their services are generally appreciated by the grassroots. Based on a case study on the role of NGOs in rural development conducted in Thrissur District of Kerala State, Bhaskar & Geethakutty (2001) noted that NGOs are accepted by the different sections of society as an effective machine for rural development. They further observed that:
This high acceptance of NGOs among the beneficiaries can surely be attributed to many of the special qualities of NGOs. Voluntary organizations have special qualities in their style of functioning such as flexibility in operation, sensitivity to changing needs, high level of motivation of the functionaries and innovations (Bhaskar & Geethakutty, 2001, p. 54).
This study is keen on interrogating issues related to the philosophy of EDF and how that philosophy dictates the nature of adult education offered, and the relationships that exist between EDF and its various stakeholders.
2.5.2 NGOs and adult education
Nafukho et al (2005) notes that NGOs have become increasingly active in adult education work in Africa. NGOs have also been hailed globally for the use of bottom-up community development approaches and being close to the disadvantaged communities (Manji & O'Coil, 2002). The NGO sector in Uganda has over time tried to occupy the gap left by government and international bodies concerning the education of adults, not only in literacy and numeracy, but also in terms of life skills and civic awareness (Brock, McGee, Okech, & Ssuna, 2003;
Muhumuza, 2005; Thomas, 1994). It should be noted that even though the majority of NGOs in Uganda are involved in adult education delivery, very few acknowledge this fact (Openjuru, 2004).
Failure by NGOs to acknowledge adult education as a core function makes documentation in respect of their work as adult educators difficult. However, a good number of NGOs operating in Uganda do offer adult education despite this not being clearly reflected in their core mission
statements. Where adult education principles/approaches are applied, they are usually expressed with different terminology, but not as adult education. The terminology ranges from empowerment to human development, training and many others (ADRA-Uganda, 2008; URDT, 2006; World-Vision, 2010).
In spite of the enormous work that NGOs do in relation to adult education, these efforts are fragmented and minimally documented. NGOs’ approaches to development follow different patterns, philosophies and goals. Since NGOs are started by different people and with different objectives, it’s little wonder that they have not had a common position on the relationship between adult education and community development. Whereas the mission statements of various NGOs may be silent on adult education per se (Openjuru, 2004), the majority offer adult education of some sort under a different name or categorization. The various names tend to be specific to the programmes they run, such as environmental education, agricultural extension, health education, civic education and the like. The categorization and terminology employed by EDF is part of the exploration of this study.
There remains a gap in the literature on the explicit role of NGOs in adult education for community development. There is very little that the literature offers in relation to the emergence and development of adult education within the context of NGOs. In addition, the historical trends of the development of adult education as part and parcel of community development have not been explored.