Chapter 4: Presentation of data collected
4.3 Umgeni Comer
4.3.3 Obstacles, risk and danger
Although risk was apparent from the data contained within the respondent's activity clocks, participants were specifically asked what they consider to be the greatest threats to their livelihood strategies. What are the obstacles / risks that stand in the way of securing a livelihood? Risk mapping provided valuable data on the presence of risk in the everyday lives of street children living at Umgeni Comer. Further
discussion surrounding these issues during the focus group emphasised how emotive the group were about threats. Data suggests that the risks and obstacles street children face when performing livelihood strategies is a significant issue for them.
Although the majority of group members are heavy glue users, the glue was identified as a risk when living on the street. During the focus group (2nd August 2006),
respondents stated that the glue is a danger because it makes them high and that this increases the risk of being hit by traffic, especially when begging at robots. Younger members of the group will prioritise buying glue as soon as they have money.
In terms of work, three main issues were identified. Firstly, numerous respondents highlighted the absence of South African Identity Documents (IDs) as being an obstacle to being involved in any formal work activities. These IDs are required by most potential employers when hiring workers for purposes of confirming identity and for their own fmancial / taxation records etc. Secondly, there are drawbacks when working in the informal sector. Respondents complained that when they work as car guards, the car owners don't always pay. This means that they have wasted their time and not gained any income; thus returning home without money to buy necessities.
Thirdly, any involvement in income generating activities involves some amount of mobility. Respondents in the focus group (2nd August 2006) highlighted that not all of the group can work concurrently as some group members have to stay behind to guard their possessions. The latter point was highlighted on the risk maps which showed both the police and other street dwellers stealing their clothes hung out to dry on the electricity station fence.
Although data would suggest that there is an abundance of donations from the local community and passers-by, risk mapping revealed a drawback arising from this type of support. The food that they receive is sometimes rotten, which respondents said made them sick.
The police and 'Blackjacks' were noted as being an inherent risk to the livelihood strategies of the Umgeni Corner group. 'Blackjacks' were identified as being members of the Municipal Protection Services unit, and were regular visitors to the area. As one member of the focus group said: "They normally come once a week, but always in the evening" (Focus group, 2nd August 2006). The group complained that the Blackjacks take their money and possessions. On a follow-up visit to the group after data collection) arrived with a research assistant to find little evidence of the groups' existence:
Lucky told me that the Blackjacks had visited them the previous evening. The Blackjacks had arrived with a van and taken all their bedding, clothes and possessions. The Blackjacks put poisonous chemicals in the pans that they use for cooking and beat some of the group members with Shamboks (JT, journal entIy 18th August 2006).
Further incidences of physical abuse and stigma were reported by numerous
respondents. Local Indian gangsters often come to Umgeni Comer and physically beat group members. While begging at robots, people swear at them and call them
'Kaffirs'. Furthermore, the immediate residential community complain about them which contributes to the stigma surrounding street life. Even as consumers, risk maps revealed that some of the local shops say that "they don't sell to street kids", or refuse them entry altogether resulting in group members buying glue instead (Lindo,
Thanda, map, 18th July 2006).
As noted earlier, there are no toilet facilities immediately available to the Umgeni Comer group and some members of the group defecate in close proximity to their living space. The data showed that respondents complain of the smell from the area used as a toilet. Although not reflected through data produced by participants, there are some apparent health issues surrounding this issue. On arrival to pick the
participants up for the first week of data collection two younger males were urinating against a wall located in the living space of the group. Ten minutes later one of the female group members washed her body next to the same wall that males had earlier urinated against. There is also much debate in the group regarding the 'washing pipe'.
It is highly possible that the pipe utilised by the group is a sewerage pipe. One group member complained that he had seen "shit" in the water (JT, journal entry, 18th July, 2006). In addition, another respondent noted on his risk map that he got a rash from washing in the pipe (Lindo, map, 18th July 2006). Although data would suggest that there are obvious health issues present, poor health was not identified by participants as a risk or obstacle to the Umgeni Comers' livelihood strategies.
Issues of rape and sexual abuse are sensitive issues for the Umgeni Comer group. The activity clocks drawn by participants only reveal sexual activity among boyfriends or girlfriends. Unfortunately, sexual abuse and rape is a common reality for children of the streets and it is understandable that respondents did not want to overtly disclose these events. However, an informal interview with one of the participants revealed the following:
Thulani told me that there are boys who rape new girls at Umgeni Comer; those who don't have girlfriends like Lindani and others. And if your boyfriend is
visiting somewhere and left you at Umgeni Corner the boys rape you. Sometimes they are not scared of the boyfriend; they take the girl in front of the boyfriend and promise to stab you if you get in the way.
Thulani told me about the boys who were sodornised at Windsor River and the grown-up boys tried to do that to him and he ran away. That is why he came to Umgeni Corner. He said at Umgeni Corner there is no-one who sodornise boys because Mthoko (Cebo's boyfriend) protect them and he hits those people who do that (HZ, journal entry, 2nd August 2006.
Inherent risk and abuse associated with prostitution were also apparent. One respondent confirmed during an informal interview that there are "girls who are selling the body. He mentioned their names; they go to town to sell the body, but if the boyfriend find out they beat the girls badly" (HZ, journal entry, 2nd August 2006).