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The reported cases for the period in question were as follows:

The data source of the information analysed here was the statistics provided by the Warrant Officer of the Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences Unit of the KwaZulu Natal Detective Services of the South African Police Services. 38

The total number of cases reported (by women) during the identified period July- December 2010 was 249 and comprised mainly of rape, sexual assault, domestic violence and cases dealing with violations of the Children’s Act of 2005, for example the abandonment of a child. Of these, more than 50% of the cases were for rape and 17% respectively for domestic violence and sexual assault. 70% of the victims were African and 30% make up the other race groups; the majority was unemployed.

All reported cases of rape involving both minors and adults, are referred to the Child Advocacy Centre (CAC) which has trained counsellors. Cases may then be referred to other support agencies for further invention and assistance. Cases of domestic abuse and violence may be referred to The Family and Marriage Society of South Africa (FAMSA) and if warranted, women are referred to ‘places of safety’ until their cases are officially closed. Of significance is that the organisations most referred to are non- governmental organisations. Referrals are made to the relevant government department for social intervention. The relationship between the two state organs will be explored further, together with the challenges facing the police services in rendering assistance to afflicted women.

38 For ethical reasons and as per the conditions (annexure 1.1) under which the information was provided by the Unit, the information provided may not be cited in its actual form here. That information will be available in the storage archives as per the ethics policy of the UKZN.

5.2.1 Analysis of data

Whilst the number of cases at the support centres suggests that many women do not begin soliciting support at police stations (average of 630 women per month at the 11 support centres collectively versus 249 at the police stations for six months), but chose rather to go directly to the respective centres, the statistics of the police services confirm firstly, the prevalence of crime against women, and secondly, that support structures and services to deal further with those incidences, are needed.

The statistics provided indicate that most of the crimes are committed in informal settlements and against Black African women. This confirms that it is yet those who are on the marginalised sectors of society and who already are at a disadvantage through a lack of access to basic, material resources and infrastructure, whose human rights are further violated. The use of statistics in research falls within ‘unobtrusive methods’ (Kellehear 1993: 3-7; Bryman 2004: 215). While acknowledging the advantages of unobtrusive methods, Bryman (2004: 214) and Kellehear (1993: 7) caution against the veracity of some original data/ records which they argue can be distorted or hidden. Bryman (ibid) states: “Where there is widespread recognition and acknowledgement that problems remain with certain forms of official statistics (in particular those relating to crime deviance), each set of statistics has to be evaluated for the purposes of social research on its own merits.” Thus the data provided to me, whilst acknowledged and appreciated, contains I believe issues of contention and are located within discourse of language, power and subjectivities. The data itself seems relatively low and does not seem consistent with the national claim of frequency of violence committed against women, by for example, information provided by POWA (People Opposed to Women Abuse)39 What was provided to me was not just the subjective construct of what was perceived to be acceptable and knowledge for public scrutiny and analysis, the data as well as the letter of consent with conditions and meeting held with the relevant authorities indicate the language constructs of power relations contained in this encounter (clause 2 of annexure 1.1). It becomes clear where power is located and wielded. However, that I can analyse the data and interrogate the process, indicates that power can be mediated (Foucault in Simons

39 POWA (People Opposed to Women Abuse) 2010. Statistics on Domestic Violence in South Africa

1995: 82). Whilst the officer responsible for providing the information did indicate to me that many cases of abuse and violence against women are unreported, the issue of information being constructed does raise concerns about the subversion of knowledge.

The telephonic respondent, who had initiated the support services for women victims at a local police station, had recognised the need to provide pastoral, psychological support beyond the clinical technicalities characteristic of the administrative routine of reporting and opening cases. The lack of resources available to the police service itself mitigate against its ability to provide more effective and broader support to women lodging incidents of crime committed against them. The lack of resources*

range from basic material items, such as refreshments to women who usually have to spend long hours at the police stations or at other places during the preliminary administrative process, to a lack of equipment and human resources. Lack of proper training of officials* results in improper treatment of women or the provisioning of inadequate services. The lack of training is also largely indicated in the language used to negotiate the situations at the police premises; often women are made to look like they are the perpetrators, or worthless or have ‘solicited’ the abuse; they are largely rendered powerless.

The official place of safety for women is situated in Dalton, relatively far from Pietermaritzburg and this not only hinders the provision of support, but also questions the state’s seriousness to dealing with and making resources available (such as adequate shelters) for those women whose situations warrant it. According to information from the officer, the police service is challenged to render the service it is legally and technically mandated to provide. Therefore its ability to render any broader forms of support is problematic. The scope of broader support rendered requires liaison with other state services such as the social services and that, according to the police source, is fraught with challenges as the former does not provide much assistance and its support of the initial work done by the police is limited or non- existent. While there are some positive outcomes from liaison with and referrals to the state organ that provides legal assistance, social intervention and assistance from the relevant state organ is lacking. Although it is not part of their official mandate, the

*as per information provided by Officer from Family Violence, Child Protection and Sexual Offences Unit

police services secure better support and assistance from liaison with non- governmental organisations: the support groups for women.

The official mandate of the police services is to provide security to citizens.

Rendering that service requires it to liaise with and make referrals to other state organs. The disjointed structure and functioning of state organs see responsibility being vested in the police services for social welfare services of citizens (women); as is evidenced in the incidences of women seeking assistance for social matters at police stations. While there has been much public discourse about the police services, the same intensity of scrutiny has not been placed on the social services of the state, in whose jurisdiction lies the responsibility of intervention for abused women. It appears rather that the police services are held more accountable for social interventions. All cases of rape are dealt with by one unit of the police services (whether involving children or adults), who then refer the victims or survivors to the Child Advocacy Centre. Such contexts indicating how power is exercised over women through relational constructs (Weedon 1997:20), have implications for South African feminist practice. What needs to be asked is how can these existing constructs be transformed in order to empower the women who seek help and not to perpetuate ‘victim’ and helpless mentalities.