THE METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
6.2 Programming Mission
The natural reference concerning programme goals is to the obligations governments impose upon private stations as a condition for granting them a licence (Wedell, 1991:
26). In the South African case, this would be the stipulations set out by ICASA as outlined in Chapter Two. For 'mission' oriented stations such as Al-Ansaar, "a particular programme offer is the very justification for existence" (Wedell, 1991: 26). In addition to the broader mission of the radio station, the programming department has its own vision
and mission which largely is in sync with the Muslim media theory expounded on in Chapter One:
"Vision: To become a leader in providing news, information, entertainment and education on Islam and the Muslim world.
Mission:
• To provide Muslim perspectives to events in the world (especially political)
• To become a leading source in Islamically accepted entertainment
• To provide a platform to discuss ideas, explore, debate and research on issues affecting Islam and Muslims"
(Minutes of Presenters Meeting, 8 October 2004) 6.3 Programme Selection and Design
The programmes on local free radio stations "tend to be oriented to the spoken word more than those of commercial stations, although music and information also take up significant segments of transmission time" (Wedell, 1991: 22). This speaks for Al-Anssar as the bulk of its programming is in the form of talk shows. News, advertising, flightings of programmes, spiritual songs and recitation from the Qur *an account for the rest of the airtime.
As discussed (see Chapter Four), the Station Manager says, "Programming can be controlled by the community" (Interview: R Jamal, 7th September 2005). As argued in Chapter Five, his use of the word 'controlled' is a misnomer because community participation in programming at Al-Ansaar is encouraged but within stringent parameters.
Al-Ansaar's conceptualisation of participatory programming was explained by Jamal.
Although Al-Ansaar is selective about who is invited to its meetings, Jamal described the approach as democratic. He said that the process Radio Al-Ansaar employed over the many years, especially over the first five years of operation "was to bring in Islamic organisations together, several meetings were held with them and inputs were taken from them and in some cases some members of the organisations were made part of this
programming committee whereupon a programme was designed" (Interview: 7 September 2005). In the latter years, Jamal said that two attempts were made "to have an open meeting of the community... to do with the programming of Radio Al-Ansaar"
(Interview: 7th September 2005). He described the response as pathetic and said that unfortunately like any other community the Muslim community only responds when there is a crisis. "If there was a big explosion then you might find the meeting thereafter would be packed" (Interview: 7th September 2005). Jamal acknowledges that a public awareness campaign is required to jolt the community out of their apathy. "The thinking of ICASA is, that you have to educate the people about responding" (Interview: 7' September 2005). However, similar to the limited publicity that was given to the election of the radio Board, Al-Ansaar 's attempt to educate the community about their right to own the station and participate in its programming comes across as feeble. "We placed an ad in the Ummah paper [Al-Ansaar's community newspaper]" (Interview: 7th September 2005). As mentioned, this is markedly different to the vast amount of on-air publicity given to the fundraising initiatives of the Al-Ansaar Foundation. It is therefore reiterated that Al-Ansaar's attempt to encourage participation is deliberately muted because of its need to maintain a tight control over who participates. It is a mechanistic process, mainly meant as evidence to show ICASA that due process has been followed. This strengthens the argument that community participation at Al-Ansaar, although greater in programming than in other facets of the station, is controlled and limited. The Management Board is very cautious about who it appoints to present its programmes.
Furthermore, the programmes have to follow the strictures set by the conservative religious bodies as outlined below.
Community radio signifies a two-way process, which entails the exchange of views from various sources (Bonin, 1998:1). The policy guidelines of Radio Al-Ansaar are, in some respects, contrary to this principle, to Al-Ansaar's mission to be 'committed to the ideal of uniting the ummah\ to its Programming mission and most importantly, to the terms of its licence agreement with ICASA. The contents of the programmes are closely monitored and some of the policy guidelines read as follows:
• Presenters are to refrain from debating those issues of shari xah in which there are different shades of opinion.
• Please refrain from using your own opinions and interpretations on matters pertaining to shari ^ah
• Radio Al-Ansaar will not engage in:
Shia - Sunni issues Sunni - Tablighi issues
(We need to devise consensus on the verbal response we would pursue on issue of this matter.) (Al-Ansaar Policy Guidelines, 2001:3).
In light of the above policy excerpts, the central factor that keeps arising is the relationship between the radio station and the theologian bodies, and the ways in which the latter are able to circumscribe the agenda and autonomy of the former. A comment by a presenter about her experience lends credence to this argument. She said that she had planned to tackle debatable doctrinal issues such as if Muslims should follow a particular madhab32. She however had been told by the Station Manager that the topic would be too controversial and to steer clear off it. She said that this was telling of how the ulema indirectly controlled the entire community, which she considered as disconcerting. She added that the community had to talk about it and if they did not, the status quo would remain. She further stated that platforms like Al Ansaar should be the platforms to have these debates. "There's no running away from the fact this is how Imam Shafi, Imam Hanifa [the Islamic scholars of the past] used to do it but you can't do that [on Al- Ansaar]" (Interview with F Asmal, 13 September 2005). She said, "Unfortunately in this
community debates are immediately viewed as being an attack [on the ulema] so there is no room for healthy debate (Interview: 13 September 2005).
This view is echoed by another interviewee who said that Al-Ansaar was not a platform for lateral thinking and was not very accommodating to alternate points of view on Islam.
He said that his experience of the radio is that one has to censor what one says and that
31 Refers to points of contention between the Sunni Jamiatal Ulema and its associate organisations and supporters and the Jamiat and its associate organisations and supporters as discussed in Chapter Five.
32
Different schools of thought within Islam
the management is circumspect about whom they put on the radio. "If they put somebody who opens their mouth and says something that will offend the listeners and the small conservative sector of the community then Al-Ansaar will be in big trouble; then their funding and their support [would be affected]" (Interview: respondent is highly involved with the station and wishes to remain anonymous, 22 September 2005). This exclusionary factor and the muzzling of debate go against the goal of community radio.
In light of the esteem that the traditional scholars are held in by the majority among South African Muslims (see Chapters One and Four) and in order to protect the station and ensure that nothing 'untoward' is said, an in-house Islamic scholar must sit in on programmes where the presenters or guests might opine on matters related to Islam.
Despite these overtures, during the 2005 Ramadan broadcast, a Deoband theologian who appears regularly on Radio Al-Ansaar commented on air that regardless his participation in two Muslim community radio stations, he believed that none of the Muslim community stations in South Africa were 'sharVah compliant'. This conservative theologian has a large following within the Deoband aligned segment of the community.
Another method used to protect the radio from objections from the religious bodies is the broadcast of a disclaimer if a presenter or guest happens to mention something that might be construed as controversial. For example, during the 2005 Ramadan broadcast when a presenter subtly criticised the practice of celebrating the Prophet Mohammed's birthday , the disclaimer was played after the programme. It reads as, "The views made on Al-Ansaar are not necessarily the views held by the Al-Ansaar Foundation."