THE PROTESTANT CHURCH IN THE DR CONGO AND SOCIO-POLITICAL ISSUES
4.8 THE PROTESTANT CHURCH ON THE POLITICAL SCENE FROM 1990- 2016 2016
133 The Protestant Cathedral;
Finances and budget;
Internal audit;
The permanent secretariat of the national office of the Protestant educational level;
Communication and press;
Commission of justice, peace and creation care;
Theological Commission;
Commission of HIV.
4.8 THE PROTESTANT CHURCH ON THE POLITICAL SCENE FROM 1990-
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1994: 75-78). On March 30 that year, the National President of the ECZ (Eglise du Christ au Zaire, Church of Christ in Zaire), addressed a memorandum to President Mobutu and so the Protestant Church became the first institution to suggest the introduction of a multi-party system when the failure of mono-party governance became evident.
The church repeated its suggestion in its pastoral letter of August 1, 1990, in Goma, insisting on a national sovereign conference.
(…) le président de la République devrait autoriser l’existence de 2 formations (partis) politiques au minimum ou 3 au maximum dont le cadre d’action devrait être défini par la Constitution (…) l’Église estime propice l’instauration d’un syndicalisme corporatif pluraliste (Kabongo-Mbaya, 1994:79).
In English, the President of the Republic should authorize the existence of at least 2 political parties, or at most 3, whose framework of action should be defined by the Constitution (…)The Church believes that the establishment of a pluralist trade union is opportune (Kabongo-Mbaya, 1994:79).
The second statement followed not long after, possibly even under the influence of the stance publicly taken by the Executive Committee of Kasai Oriental.
Meanwhile, on April 24, 1990, President Mobutu had announced the return to a multi-party system limited to three political parties. Was the decision at this moment in time a coincidence or had Mobutu heard about, and taken note of, the church’s proposition?
As Hoffman (1992 :75) notes, even in its memorandum, the church kept clinging to the theology that Mobutu was God's choice.
"Convinced that it is God who has called you to take the country out of the impasse where it has found itself; given that you have risked your life on many occasions for this country and for the people; we encourage you as a Christian and request that you place the situation of our country in prayer’.
135 Address of the church in 1991
After the looting of September 1991, when the situation in the country was going from bad to worse, the ECC raised its voice once again. Referring to the earlier pastoral letter, the church addressed the nation as follows.
L’Eglise du Christ au Zaïre avait déjà signalé l’évolution néfaste du jeu politique observé au cours des dernières années : « Le Zaïre, notre pays, traverse une période difficile. La détérioration de la situation sociale et économique est arrivée à son comble. Une grande effervescence règne sur le plan politique. Tout risque d’exploser à tout moment. Bref, notre pays traverse une crise multisectorielle ».
Le blocage du processus de démocratisation, les émeutes et pillages de Septembre et Octobre de cette année, la violence d’en haut et celle d’en bas portée sur des personnes et des biens annoncent une crise encore plus profonde. Le pays est dans l’abime. La guerre civile menace d’éclater. Dans l’entretemps, le petit peuple en subit les conséquences (ECC, 1991:75,76).
In translation, The Church of Christ in Zaire has already pointed out the harmful development of the political game observed in recent years: Zaire, our country, is going through a difficult period. The deterioration of the social and economic situation has reached its peak. Effervescence is rife on the political level. Every risk of an explosion, any time. In short, our country is going through a multi- sectoral crisis.
The blockage of the process of democratization, the riots and looting of September and October this year, the violence from above and from below committed against people and their property indicate a deeper crisis. The country is in an abyss. Civil war is threatening to break out. The ordinary people in the meantime suffer the consequences (ECC, 1991:75,76).
The sovereign national conference
It seems that the Protestant Church was not asked for its input in respect of the sovereign national conference that started in 1991. This exclusion can be
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explained by a lack of information channels and contacts between the ECC and the government. As the Protestant Church declared:
“ Etant donné le manque d’information et de liaison entre le Secrétariat National de l’ECZ et la commission préparatoire (de la conférence nationale souveraine), notre apport n’a pas été consistant »(ECC, 1991:77).
In English, "Given the lack of information and contact between the National Secretariat of the ECZ and the preparatory commission (of the sovereign national conference), we have not been kept informed consistently”.
A letter sent to the government informed it, that the ECC needed to be represented at the sovereign national conference by 300 members for 60 communities of about 14.000.000 Protestants around the country. The government, however, allowed participation in the conference for only 59 Protestants from the ECC.
A crucial moment in the conference came when the Catholics expressed disagreement by quitting whereas the Protestants chose to stay. Kabongo rightly remarks that, since the serious clashes with the colonial order in the 1900s and throughout the 1930s, the leading authorities of Protestantism had not significantly and publicly expressed any concern at the major problems in society and at, in particular, political issues. The more recent pronouncements of the ECZ (Church of Christ in Zaire) were surprising indeed (Kabongo-Mbaya, 1994:72).
Reading the signs of the times (Kairos), it would appear that the national head of the Protestant Church was put under pressure by other church leaders and made to reconsider his political viewpoint. One example of such pressure is the National Executive Committee meeting in Goma on July 29 to August 1, 1990. Debated was the position of the church in regard of the killing of students in Lubumbashi and on other campuses in the country. Reverend Mbiya Mulunda (Regional President of Kasai Oriental at the time) was the spokesperson for those who wanted the church to raise its voice and condemn the massacre. Many argued that in such circumstances the church’s neutrality could not be maintained, lest it become compromising. It is clear that particular provinces played an important role trying to boost the prophetic responsibility of the church.
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The President of the ECZ must, however, also have realised that the unanimity of Protestant leaders in respect of the MPR (Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution), the only political party, had become untenable.
All the Protestant leaders understood that the regime was collapsing and had no wish to go down with it. But their repositioning was not without its problems (Kabongo-Mbaya, 1994:72).
“Les positionnements nouveaux que peut avoir la direction de I’ECZ paraissent ainsi plutôt à la traîne des événements. La stratégie présente de I’ECZ nous semble portée par cette ambiguïté.
Autrement dit, il s’agit d’une stratégie en crise, qui se cherche devant un avenir tout à fait incertain ».
In translation, "In its new positioning the ECZ (In the 90s) thus seems to be dragging behind the events. The present ECZ strategy appears driven by ambiguity. It is, in other words, a strategy in crisis, trying to define itself while facing an entirely uncertain future”.
The process of determining new positions would have had more of an impact if it had been based on a theological view that offered a structural way of leadership, not waiting to follow the events, but advancing into the unknown future.
Address of the church, August 6, 1993
After the sovereign national conference, the National Executive Committee of the ECC issued a declaration, dated 6/08/1993 and calling the socio-political crisis damaging for the nation and its people.
Face à la crise socio politique actuelle et particulièrement depuis le déclenchement, le 24 Avril 1990, du processus de démocratisation du système dictatorial qui nous régit depuis 1965, elle n’a pas manqué, seule ou avec d’autres confessions religieuses, d’élever sa voix pour condamner ledit système (ECC, 1991:83-84).
Translation. Faced with the current socio-political crisis, and more especially since the unfolding on April 24, 1990 of the process of democratization of the dictatorial system that has governed us since 1965, the ECC has not refrained from, on its own or with other religious denominations, raising its voice to condemn the system.
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The church seems to be withdrawing from the Mobutu scene by accusing it of having been, since 1965, a dictatorship. The church can’t however claim that it has been critically watching the regime from its earliest dictatorial tendencies in 1965 onward. Only in the 1990s does the church begin to encourage a move towards democratisation and, even at that late moment, it confirms the need for the leadership of the founder of the MPR. When the church attempts to convince its critics that it has continuously eyed the regime’s dictatorial tendencies with alarm, it is time and again the 1990, 1991 and 1992 declarations that are brought up (ECC, 1991:83-84). On the occasion of the same colloquium, Leonard Masu-ga, in a presentation entitled ’L’ECZ et la justice sociale au Zaire’ (The ECZ and social justice in Zaire), explains that those responsible for the misery and marginalisation of people in Zaire are directly linked to the powers that be. These powers have erected a structure of social injustice. Masu-ga exclaims: “Why does the Church remain silent before such a social situation?” (ECC, 1991:90-92).
At least, in its criticism following the sovereign national conference, three points are underlined, namely
- lack of respect for the commitment accepted in the conference - lack of application of the political compromise
- and lack of reconciliation.
The problems are perceived as consequences of the deteriorating socio-political environment, including the highly conflicted political transition, the economic collapse and poverty.
Acts of national consultation
After the sovereign national conference, the church kept silent when the AFDL came to power by forcing out Mobutu. In search of peace and reconciliation, a national consultation was organised by all religious denominations from 24 February to 11 March 2000 in the Cathédrale du Centenaire. The consultation regrouped the army and the pacific apposition, the civil society, confessionals and laity, CETA (Conférence des Eglises de Toute l’Afrique), and COE (Conseil Œcuménique des Eglises). It also regrouped scientists, and Congolese from
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diaspora. The consultation was conceived as a pastoral action to contribute to peace and reconciliation in the DR Congo. It was also appointed to prepare for the inter-Congolese dialogue planned for 2001 (Masiala-ma-Solo, 2000:7). It is clear that this consultation was not initiated and realised by the Protestant Church alone.
Inter-Congolese dialogue
The Inter-Congolese dialogue began on October 15, 2001 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Pursuing the search for reconciliation and peace in the country, Bishop Pierre Marini, President of the ECC, became President of the senate from April 2003 to 2007. It was the end of the transition period. He was appointed as a consensual neutral figure, representing the organised religion section of civil society. On many occasions during his term, the church was accused of refusing to part ways with the governing power, as in the following interview.
Question. « Certains disent qu’on ne sent pas l’Eglise Protestante prendre position, exercer des pressions dans certaines questions brulantes du pays ».
In English, “People say that they don’t see the Protestant Church taking position and exercising pressure in respect of certain burning questions in the country”
Bishop Marini’s answer :
« Ils peuvent continuer la critique…Mais la prudence. Il faut d’abord suivre les choses ».
In translation: Let them carry on criticizing. But we need to be careful. We first of all need to follow up on the events”. (Interview from Okapi radio, 18/01/2008).
Declaration of the church, 2010
the fifteenth session of the church synod, twelve commissions were formed, among these a commission of justice, peace and safeguarding of the creation, and a commission of politics (ECC, 2010b:30). These two commissions had to work separately, each according to its own agenda while these agendas were probably not dissimilar. Soon there was confusion. When the time came to report on the outcome of the commissions, only the commission of justice, peace and creation care brought out a report with a few political recommendations (ECC, 2010b:94).
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In the 2014 synod of the church, only the commission of politics appeared to be active (ECC, 2014b:59).
However, some of the recommendations made by the commission of justice, peace and creation care, were highlighted during the synod such as the need to encourage the national bureau to speak out clearly and impartially on political affairs, to encourage Protestant church members to get involved in political affairs, insist on Protestant ethics and reinforce the commission of JPSC (justice, peace and safeguarding creation), making it useful to the communities.
Declaration of the church, 2013
The theme of the 2013 declaration of the church was:
“Les hommes qui se livrent au mal ne comprennent pas ce qui est juste, mais ceux qui cherchent l’Eternel comprennent tout »
In translation, “Evil men do not understand what is right, but those who seek the Eternal understand all things” (according to Proverbs 28.5) (ECC, 2013:65).
From this declaration, some recommendations for the government resulted, for example that the justice system should be reinforced by putting the human being in its centre, and that bad governance should be mitigated in every stage of its exercising power.
Declaration of the church, 2014
At the end of the 2014 synod the usual declaration was issued, reflecting on different dimensions of discussions that had taken place. In the context of socio- political considerations, we underline the following recommendation of the synod.
Demande à toute la classe politique et sociale de respecter les textes légaux de la RDC en vue d’aboutissement heureux de ce processus électoral (…) Exhorte la classe politique et sociale de la RDC à respecter la constitution de notre pays dans toute son entièreté (ECC, 2014b:107).
In translation: Recommend the entire political and social class to respect the legal texts of the DRC for a successful conclusion of this
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electoral process (...). Urge the political and social class of the DRC to respect the constitution of our country in its full entirety.
The above pronouncement of the church, insisting on respect for constitution and law, cannot but imply that the church will have to speak prophetically if the requested respect is not accorded.
A highly sensitive point in the country’s governance was the revision of the constitution to allow the current President another term. In an interview, touching on precisely that point, the President of the church seems to add his support to a revision of the constitution so that the President can remain in office.
« Parfois on parle de certains articles qui sont bloqués, on ne peut pas les toucher. Mais là, nous sommes en train de museler la population qui est souveraine. Acceptons notre faiblesse. Ne pas bloquer le développement d’une société qui évolue ».
(National President of the ECC on 07/08/2014, sourced from radio Okapi : ‘Mgr Marini Bodho, favorable à la revision de la constitution’).
In English: "Sometimes we talk about certain subjects being blocked, we cannot touch on them. But then we are muzzling people who are sovereign. Let us accept our weakness and not block the development of a changing society”.
Such a confusing comment must have emphasized the ambiguous positioning of the church in socio-political matters.
It is important though to distinguish the position of the church on socio-political issues from that of the church leader. It seems that there was at the time a tendency to mix up the personal view of the church leader with the outlook of the church in general.
Overview of the Executive Committee, 2015
In this committee, seven commissions had been appointed, among these the politics and legal commissions. The 2015 declaration of the Executive Committee spoke out on the problematic election process and the impoverished people (ECC, 2015: 55-60).
142 Implication of the church, 2016
In 2016, tensions in the DR Congo rose sky-high as the socio-political situation had become desperate and there was as yet no questions of elections being held as was constitutionally required. The church attempted to calm the situation and to promote peace by accepting to participate in a dialogue facilitated by Edem Kodjo who was there mandated by the AU.
My participation in the National Executive Committee of the Protestant Church in the DR Congo, held at ‘“Lycée Shaumba’ betweem 18 and 21 September 2016, centred on a meeting mostly devoted to certain political issues. At the time the country was boiling with rebellious tendencies, resulting from various unhappy situations but most of all by the approach of a date for elections that might never be held. The opposition parties began to organise meetings directed against the majority party. An inclusive national dialogue had been initiated by President Kabila but boycotted by the opposition. A mediator was chosen by the African Union to facilitate the dialogue. The opposition, however, also rejected the mediator in the person of Edem Kodjo whom they accused of being partial to the majority party. At the same time there were continuously reports of arrests and killings all over the country.
During a session of the National Executive Committee as part of an ECC meeting from 18 to 21 September 2016, different political actors were invited to face each other.
The first one invited was Mamadou Dialo (second representative of the UN in the Grand Lake Region). His view was, according to the Monusco (UN mission), that the dialogue initiated by the President of the republic, should materialize.
The second participant consisted in a group of the opposition. A profoundly disturbing moment followed when they complained that the Protestant Church was always siding with the majority party. The opposition spokesman, Olenga Nkoy, reproached the Protestant Church, using the French expression of ’torpiller le pays’, meaning that the Protestant Church was completely destroying the country.
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The following day the church received Edem Kodjo, the mediator of the African Union. He shared the view with of the UN representative that the dialogue could be held even without the opposition and he rejected the accusation that he was siding with the majority party. The last invited group was represented by Mr.
Néhémie, the Cabinet Director of the President of the republic. He expressed the view of the majority party that the dialogue should be organised before even thinking of holding elections.
By the end of the day the church had not yet announced an authentic position.
The dialogue was finally organised, and, at its conclusion, President Joseph and the religious leaders issued a statement.
Les chefs des confessions religieuses notent que l’accord politique conclu à l’issue du dialogue dénote « d’un sens réel de responsabilité de la part des acteurs ». Dans une déclaration faite samedi 29 octobre, ils indiquent que ce compromis permet « d’aller vers l’organisation des élections transparentes, crédibles et apaisées, appelées par tout le monde ».
A la fin des travaux du dialogue national ouvert le 1er septembre, les participants ont signé un accord le 18 octobre dernier, sanctionnant la fin de ce forum national. Ce texte prévoit l'organisation de la présidentielle en avril 2018.
Selon les chefs religieux, cet accord proclame l’engagement des parties à respecter la constitution et l’accord lui-même. Il consacre aussi l’option de la gestion consensuelle de l’Etat.
Les chefs religieux rappellent que ce compromis reconnait l’impossibilité d’organiser des élections apaisées et crédibles d’ici la fin de l’année 2016 et lève l’option de régler définitivement la question de l’identification et de l’enrôlement des élections, « en recommandant l’inclusion de tous les électeurs potentiels dans le fichier électoral ».
Le sens de responsabilité de cet accord est aussi démontrable en ce qu’il laisse l’ouverture aux acteurs politiques et aux forces sociales qui n’ont pas pris part au dialogue, se réjouissent les chefs religieux.
De ce fait, ils félicitent le sens de dépassement de soi des participants ainsi que la qualité de médiation du facilitateur, Edem Kodjo, tout en déplorant que certains acteurs n’aient pas pris part à ces assises.
Des recommandations
Les chefs des confessions religieuses souhaitent que cet acquis soit préservé et consolidé et recommandent aux participants au dialogue de