I TENOR I
3.2 Research Methodology and its Evolution
3.2.1 Research Site: Community and School
ethnographers to direct their research efforts and to evaluate the significance of answers to 'research questions posed at the beginning ofthe study and developed while in the field' (Watson- Gegeo 1988: 578).
rest of the country did not leave the township untouched. Issues around rent, overcrowding and living conditions became focal points of dissatisfaction and protest. By 1957 1091 houses had been built but the estimated need was 1600. Between 1956 and 1964 there was no further development of housing while the population increased by 77% (5800 to 10290) (Peel 1987:
128). Increases in rents, electricity and education in 1958 ultimately lead to riots and violence in August 1959 in the wake ofthe widespread disturbances in the rest ofNatal. The school buildings were burnt down and the cost ofreplacing them was estimated at 23000 pounds (Peel 1987: 140).
The strengthening of Apartheid control saw the same issues recurring for the inhabitants of the townships. For example, in the period 1978 -1988 it was estimated that R4.50 per person per annum was spent by the government on upgrading this community,compared to R186.00per person spent by the Pietermaritzburg City Council on the 'Coloured' community during the same period (Kirkpatrick 1994: 12). Community resistance around the administration ofthe community was prevalent in the 1980s as in many other townships in South Africa. In 1989 a joint working 'Committee of 12' residents was formed with community support and operated effectively in the township until the elections of the transitional local Council in 1996.
The result of this history is that there has been ad hoc and uncoordinated development in the township,limited investment, instability, unstable administration and limited integration into the urban fabric of Pietermaritzburg. The population of the township in estimated at somewhere between 12000 and 20000, the extent of the informal settlement in the township making it difficult to calculate accurate figures.There are 6-7 persons per household with very poor quality housing being the norm, A unique feature of the population is that a sample survey found a quarter of the population to be under twenty years of age compared to half for the rest of Kwazulu-Natal (KZN) although overcrowding in the primary schools puts some doubts on this survey.This figure has been attributed to violence in the township;tenants not being able to afford having children with them; landlords finding alternative accommodation for their children in order to rent out rooms; and poor facilities for the younger generation. Unemployment has been estimated at 30% with the age group between 20 and 35 being the most affected. 42.9 % of household members were not earning any income, with the average monthly income per household being R518 in 1994. Over half the population between 21 and 60 years had completed their matriculation year. Not many had attained tertiary qualifications:14% between 21 and 60
had teaching diplomas while only 1%had university degrees. (Kirkpatrick 1994: 19-26).
The violent confrontations between United Democratic Front (UDF) supporters and Inkatha in the 1980s and early 1990s also affected this community, especially school going children (Gultig and Hart 1991). The community has a long history of support for the Congress movement and the UDF was thus strongly supported by the community when it was launched in the 1980s. The community succesfully prevented any penetration ofInkatha support. However, the violence in other communities brought refugees from other communities both to live in the township and to go to school there. Some of the youths that fled to the township were supporters ofthe Azanian Students Movement (AZASM) affiliated to the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO), a black consciousness aligned organisation. Trouble between these youths and the UDF aligned youth organisation of the community soon erupted into armed conflict between groupings in the late 1980s. Shootings happened outside school grounds, teachers were threatened and frequent school closures resulted. Various community attempts to resolve matters resulted in the AZASM youth being evicted from the township. These events understandably affected schooling and relations between pupils and staff. One teacher spoke of being wakened late at night by a party of school children with a stolen mathematics examination paper and being forced to work out answers even though he was not a mathematics teacher. He was threatened with his life ifhe revealed anything, and only revealed the incident to me in a dialogue journal ten years after the event.
The high school was established in 1949 after a primary school was built in 1930 and a separate infant school in 1946. Itis an ex-Department of Education and Training (DET) administered school in what was designateda 'white' area, and thus has good basic provision ofbuildings and equipment. The buildings that were restored after the 1959 fires were further developed, the official opening of the modem extensions taking place in 1991. However, the relationship between the school and the poverty stricken community aroundit has not been good and frequent vandalisation and theft of school property has occurred. Attempts by parents and school authorities to solve these problems met withlittle success until extensive work was done to erect security fencing and install other security measures. The school is not used by the community after school hours. This is indicative ofthe poorrelations which seem to exist between community and school and the lack of ongoing community involvement in the school. Teachers complain of
parent apathy, poor attendance at meetings, and responses only when there is a crisis.Informal conversations with some community members indicated that they felt they were only consulted when there is a crisis. Pupils felt that when crisis meetings are called they are not consulted and the resolutions that might come from these meetings do not really respond adequately or appropriately to the problems which give rise to the crises. Another problem which has beset the school was the high turnover of principals. Since 1993 there have been three principals and long periods with various acting principals.
In 1993 there were 1076 pupils in the school in 26 class units with 32 teachers including the principal and deputy principal. The high failure rate is reflected in the number of class units per standard/grade: seven in grade 8 and grade 9, five in grade 10, four in grade 11, and three in grade 12. Despite this dropout rate numbers in grade 11 classes,depending on subject choices,were often over fifty. Teacher loads are also heavy with some teachers having to deal with over 250 pupils on a daily basis. The pupil numbers have gradually decreased (750 in 1999) through the movement ofpupils to betterresourced schools that were formerly designated for other population groups.A drastic change has occurred in the teaching staff which has dropped to 21 in 1999.
There were three teachers considered to be 'in excess' who were not timetabled in. This has been the result of voluntary severance packages offered to teachers as well as redeployment ofteachers to more poorly resourced schools. Teachers complain of having to teach subjects they were not trained for.These staff cuts come against a history of poor matriculation results over a number of years.In 1993 and 1994 the matriculation pass rate was 17% and 19% respectively.These have improved in 1995 to 54% but the record from then is alarming, for example,in 1996 (7%), 1997 (13%), 1198 (33%) and 1999 (25%) (Discussion at a crisis meeting of the school community).
In terms of resources the school provides a mixed picture. Many classes suffer from a shortage of textbooks although teachers maintain that sufficient textbooks were allocated to the school.
According to the teachers, the reason for the shortage is that pupils lose them and do not replace them.Teachers respond by not issuing end-of-year reports unless all textbooks are returned but this seems to do little to retrieve the situation. While there is equipment in the science laboratory to conduct experiments, there is no provision for practical work in Biology. The school has also acquired twenty five computers although these have been stolen, and retrieved, on more than one
occasion!
To sum up, while the school is better resourced than many former DET and homeland schools, both rural and urban, it is still subject to all the effects of poverty. The community surrounding it is still very poor as figures of unemployment, household income and education levels indicate. Poverty manifests itself in many ways and affects what happens in the school environment.
Teachers talk of a high number of single parent homes; of pupils having to contribute to household income by taking on part-timejobs; of informal business enterprises being run from homes, allowing little time or space for school work; of overcrowded homes and poor, unhealthy living conditions; and of high levels of crime especially in relation to drugs. Pupils show a high degree of apathy about school and school work. Absenteeism is high and there is always a significant drop in pupil numbers after the midday break. This can partly be attributed to the much publicised breakdown of a 'culture of learning' caused by the ongoing national crises and disruptions of schooling, and the localised political conflict mentioned earlier, that characterised schooling from the mid 1980s. However, a great deal of the apathy surrounding schooling is related to high levels of unemployment awaiting schoolleavers. Pupils spoke honestly about this dilemma in 1998 when they said that the entire matriculation class of the previous year was unemployed and wandering the streets ofthe township. These hardworking, concerned students felt that there was little option for them but to get involved in crime if they wanted to contribute to family income. Itwas difficult to respond to this dilemma.