CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.9 Methods and Data Gathering
1.9.6 Research Sites
1.9.6.1 Kanyama Compound
Kanyama Compound is an informal settlement on the western outskirts of Lusaka City with a population of about 198 000 people. The compound started before independence around the late 1940s.
Currently there are three sections: Old Kanyama, New Kanyama and Kanyama Site and Service. Old Kanyama is serviced by Kanyama Water Trust while in New Kanyama, water services are provided by LWSC. In both sections water is mostly delivered through communal tap stands under the care of a tap attendant. In the case of Kanyama Site and Service, there is completely no water supplied either from the trust or LWSC. People in this area rely on water from New Kanyama or the industrial area.
There is no allocation of households to a particular tap stand. It is however expected that household members would buy water from a nearest communal tap. In a normal day, a communal tap is opened around 07:00 hrs until 12:00 or 13:00 hrs when the tap attendant locks the tap for lunch. The tap is reopened after 14:00 hours until 18:00 hrs. There are times when there is no water for the whole day or longer, especially when there is a technical fault. During this time, most members of the community have no option but to get water from nearby wells.
The price of water varies depending on whether one gets water from a community-run public tap or a LWSC tap stand. In community-run schemes, community members can buy water by paying cash or through a card system (see Appendix I). Registration is required before one can use a card to buy water.
And it is only after the payment of a registration fee that a "user card" is issued which has to be produced whenever the user wants to get water. This option is not available at LWSC tap stands where only cash sales are allowed. Interviews with the community leaders revealed that it is much cheaper to buy water by card system than to pay cash. But many households still buy water on cash basis mainly because they can not afford to pay the monthly lump sum of K3 000 (US$0.75) at once.
Kanyama Site in this study includes Chibolya and John Laing Compounds. Though the site chosen was Kanyama, interviews and focus group discussions were extended to Chibolya because of unclear boundaries in these communities. Not only that, but also because Chibolya water is entirely provided by a community-run water scheme. As for John Laing, there is completely no water; people rely on water from the wells. Those who are near to Chibolya or Kanyama get water from the communal taps.
However, these three compounds are referred to as Kanyama Site to avoid duplicating sites. There are some households with individual connections though they are very few (see Table 1.3 below).
1.9.6.2 Mtendere Compound
This is another peri-urban community on the eastern side of Lusaka City with a population of about 59 122. It is one of the upgraded peri-urban communities in Lusaka and consists of a mixture of old and new housing units. Most of the people (about 65%) are in informal employment while 28% are unemployed (World Bank, 2002). Unlike Kanyama, most of the households in Mtendere have individual connections, although a good number of these taps have been disconnected for failure to settle outstanding bills. Although most of the wells were buried when the compound was upgraded, there are still a few wells in some parts of Mtendere. Like other peri-urban areas, Mtendere has a high population density, high HIV/AIDS prevalence, erratic supply of water, frequent water pipe bursts and vandalized water infrastructure. Leakages from the main water lines are a common occurrence in the compound. Water services in Mtendere are entirely provided by LWSC; there are no community-run water schemes.
Because of the fixed monthly charge of K36 000 (US$10), LWSC reported that there are many illegal connections in this compound. Observations during field work confirmed existence of suspicious connections many of which are probably illegal. Focus group discussions and interviews with community leaders revealed that there are a lot of problems related to access to water. Many respondents expressed dissatisfaction with the level of service pointing out that water supply is erratic and that interruptions of water supply are not announced.
Site Name
Kanyama Chibolya
John Laing Kanyama
Mtendere Race Course
Status
Recognised 1999
Not Recognised Recognised
1996 Recognised
1967 Recognised
1992
rable 1. 3 St
Population
31 498 81 634 198 696
59 121 16 504
udy Sites
Individual Connection
14 0 320 800 0
Communal tap/Kiosk
26 0 136
0 35
Shallow Well
191 unknown
235 Unknown Unknown
Hand Pump 0 0 2 0
0 S o u r c e : Based on Data from DTFBaseline Study 2006: DVD.
1.9.6.3 Race Course
Race Course is another peri-urban community located on the northern outskirts of Kitwe City on the Copperbelt, with a population of about 16 504. As the name Race Course suggests, this community grew from a small community of farm workers who used to work on a horse farm owned by a white farmer. When the farm was abandoned, the community grew and it is still growing rapidly.
In Race Course, most of the households get water from water kiosks and hand-dug wells. Kiosks were installed and connected to the main water supply line of the city by Nkana Water and Sewerage Company (NWSC). Each kiosk is run by a kiosk vendor who is not an employee of the water utility company but is paid a commission on the total remitted sales. Like Mtendere, there are no community- run schemes in Race Course. However, there are a number of households with hand dug wells.
Members of the community estimate that 50% of the households have their own shallow wells. At the time when interviews were conducted, Race Course was reported to have 36 kiosks installed though not all of them were functioning. The number of non-functional kiosks could not be ascertained, but it was clear that a number of them were not operating. A DTF Baseline Study concluded that only 22 kiosks were functioning (2006, DVD). Members of the community interviewed reported that only about 12 kiosks were functioning in 2006.
Of the three peri-urban communities, this is the only community which reported cases of people fetching water from rivers. Focus group discussions revealed that water supply is erratic and that the kiosk vendors have a bad attitude towards customers.
1.9.6.4 Justification for the Choice of Sites
There are a number of reasons why these sites were chosen. First, these three sites were chosen on the understanding that these are areas where the right to water is most at risk of not being fulfilled. As evident from the Table 1.3 above, access to water is still a huge problem in all the three communities.
For instance, Kanyama compound with a population of almost 200 000 people has only 136 communal taps and 320 individual connections. Roughly that translates to about 336 people per connection which is more than a 100 times the recommended number of persons per connection (33 persons per communal tap).32
In the case of Mtendere for a total population of close to 60 000 people, there are only 800 connections and a good number of these are disconnected. Even if all the individual connections were working, the current coverage means that there are about 75 persons per connection which is 15 times the recommended number of people per connection. A similar picture emerges from Race Course where an
NWASCO has recommended 33 persons per communal tap, 5.5 persons per individual connection and 600 person per public connection (See "Guidelines on Minimum Service Levels", NWASCO, 2000).
average of 750 people share one kiosk33. As the DTF (2006) argues, "[o]ne cannot, however, consider this to be an acceptable service level. Not surprisingly residents complain about long waiting hours and long walking distances" (DTF, 2006: DVD).
Second, given that the focus from a human rights-based approach is on those without access, then these sites are suitable since it is areas like these communities that contain a higher proportions of people without access to basic water (World Bank, 2002). As Phiri (1999) has observed, it is the same line dividing the poor from the rich, which divides those with access from those without access, those marginalized from those integrated, those with secure livelihoods from those with insecure livelihoods, the educated from the uneducated.
Third, these compounds were chosen because of the concentration of people in very small spaces, a situation which is likely to provide a rich source of information concerning how the right to water is collectively perceived or how the meanings of this right are contested or failed to be contested. Further these compounds, because of a high population density, constitute a battle ground for various political contestations. As the Peri-Urban WSS Strategy observes, "Peri-urban areas in the larger urban towns are politically sensitive because of the large numbers of people (they can influence political change)"
(1999: 52). Most public office aspirants target some of these communities to secure their votes.
Campaign programmes often make promises ranging from improving access to water to upgrading housing units. Thus power relations are prominently played out in these communities.
1.9.7 Data Collection
1.9.7.1 Community Leaders Interviews
A total of 47 community leader interviews were conducted—15 in Race Course, 16 in Mtendere and 16 in Kanyama. The initial targeted number of interviews was 15 in each community, but during the second round of fieldwork, one more key informant in both Kanyama and Mtendere was added. The term community leader was applied flexibly to include a wide range of leaders in the community.
Among those interviewed in the category of community leaders were members of the Resident Development Committee (RDC), water committee members, managers of the community water schemes, councilors, leaders of opposition parties, tap and kiosk attendants, teachers, nurses, police
This figure is based on the number of functional kiosks. DTF Baseline study puts that number of functional kiosks at 22, while most of the community leaders spoken to during interviews reported that the number is much lower. Some put the number at 12. Mtendere has a similar problem. Though the total number of functional connections is not known, interviews revealed that many connections have been disconnected leaving many households to rely on the neighbours for water.
officers, pastors and other religious leaders, chairpersons of the market committee and shallow-well owners. Table 1. 4 below provides a summary of respondents in each of the three categories.
Table 1. 4 Categories of Interviews
Community Leaders RDC Members, Councilors, Opposition Party Leaders
Teachers, Nurses, Police Officers,
Market Committee Members,
Community Water Board Members
Religious Leaders,
Tap/Kiosk Attendants, Well Owners, Former Kiosk Vendors
Policy Makers
Government Department (Budget Office, Department of National Planning, Department of Water Development, Department of Infrastructure and Support Services, Department of Community Development,
Statutory Bodies (Regulators:
NWASCO & ECZ, DTF)
Cooperating Partners (JICA, GTZ, UNICIEF).
Local Government Authorities (Lusaka and Kitwe City Councils
Peri-urban Unit of Water utility companies.
Service Provider
Water Utility Companies:
Lusaka and Nkana Water and Sewerage Companies
NGOs
Community Run Schemes:
Water Committee members Water Trust Managers
Former Council Workers Source: Author
In Race Course three interviews were conducted with people whose kiosks had been closed for failure to remit the full amount indicated on the water metre. Selection of these leaders was done with the help of a research assistant chosen from each of the three communities.
The set of questions for community leaders were the same except for a few that had to take into account the unique features of each community. For example, while it was appropriate to ask Mtendere community leaders if they have a problem with wrong billing, this question was not appropriate for most of Kanyama residents. The initial interview guide did not take this point into account, so this adjustment had to be made during interviews34.
In all the three communities, interviews and focus group discussions were pre-arranged by the research assistants. One of the difficulties encountered during fieldwork was that interviews were being conducted at the time when general elections were about to take place. For this reason it was difficult to gather groups for focus group discussions, particularly. On several instances, focus group discussion participants demanded to be given 'something' for participating in the discussions arguing that the politicians who ask them to go for meetings were giving them chitenges, money, beer and t-shirts. The
See a copy of the interview guide in appendix v
other problem encountered in the communities with regard to focus groups, and to a lesser extent, face to face interviews, was that people thought that the research was being conducted for the water utility company or government. So for some, this was a time to vent their anger and frustration with water utilities while for others it was an opportunity to passionately plea for services to be improved.
1.9.7.2 Service Providers Interviews
This category had only two water companies (LWSC and NWSC) which supply water to the three communities in which the information was gathered. But a number of NGOs involved in water projects and community-run scheme were included as well. In total seven interviews were conducted in this category. Interviewees included the senior water utility company personnel. Officials from two NGOs (JICA and Care International) were interviewed as well.
The same interview guide was prepared for all service providers, but adjustments had to be made to cater for the differences in the situations of the respondents. Unlike the community leader interviews, interviews with almost all the respondents in this category had to be secured through an application to the relevant authorities. In one case it took three months to secure interviews after submitting the application four times. On three occasions, the application was reported to have gone missing within the administrative structures. This in itself can be a pointer to the quality of services offered to customers. An application for interviews had to be accompanied with a copy of the interview guide.
From experience, the researcher learnt that interviewees were reluctant to be interviewed mainly because the interview guide had so many questions such that the interviewee thought that it would take long time to go through. Stating in the application that not all the questions in the guide were going to be asked, did not help. Aware of this shortcoming, the researcher had to come up with a shorter version of the interview guide which he often submitted together with the application. This strategy helped.
Generally, once the interview was secured, the respondents showed enthusiasm to respond to questions.
1.9.7.3 Policy Maker Interviews
Like the other two categories, this group was also defined broadly. It included government officials from the lead ministries, officials from the statutory bodies related to water resources and supply (NWASCO, ECZ, DTF), local authorities (planning departments of Lusaka and Kitwe City Councils), and the famous cooperating partners (international donor agencies). A total of 12 interviews were conducted in this category. The objective behind this set of interviews was to get an understanding of the environment in which water policies and legislations are constructed and the factors that are recognized and not recognized to be constraints in implementing water policies.
Interviews in this category were the most difficult to secure due to the heavy bureaucracy in most of the institutions. Efforts to interview Members of Parliament representing the communities where the study was conducted failed because most of the MPs were busy campaigning for the forth-coming general
elections. On one occasion an interview with the area MP was arranged, but a day before the interview, the MP resigned and joined another political party.
The same problem of having to re-submit application letters several times was encountered in this category. Applications had to go through the permanent secretaries who were in-charge of the ministries at the time of interviews since cabinet had been dissolved. An initial interview guide which was prepared could not work due mainly to the uniqueness of the information that each of these institutions could provide. For example, Budget Office could only answer question related to allocation of resources to WSS sub-sector while the planning section of the same ministry could only deal with issues of strategies adopted in the funding process. Thus, it became necessary to draw up a different set of questions before the interviews with a particular government department official. Generally, it was difficult to arrange interviews with the assigned respondent even after getting permission from the permanent secretary. It was for this reason that some of the interviews were conducted in the second phase.