List of Appendices
3.11 Social Change in Yorubaland
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symbol of society and to see the powers and dangers credited to social structure reproduced in small on the human body (Bowie, 2000:45).
In any scholarly discussion of the concept of purity, cognizance must unavoidably be taken of the context and the agencies. The Yoruba adage, bayi laa se ni’le wa, eewo ibomiran, translated as, This is how we behave in our house (hold)”, comes to mind. In all, Douglas’ illustration of the body as a bounded system finds varying meanings depending on the people and the culture in question. She goes on to give different and remarkable illustrations on the connection between purity rules and social structures cross-culturally. Of focal point is her use of the terms, medical materialism and mystical participation. These are defined respectively as: “attempts to explain away purity rules by reference to scientific, medical, or hygienic principles” and “the assumption that all rituals and regulations of primitive peoples are wholly irrational and have only a magical or mystical significance” (Bowie 2000). The foregoing provides a solid background for our discussion of purity among the Yoruba.
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The influence of Christianity on the populace as it concerns the observance of taboos and other purity codes in Yoruba context is very significant. The reactions to the concepts vary between non-consequential beliefs to demonic manifestations. There are changes in the domestic and family life, moral and ethical standards, taboos, governance and so on.
In the context of domestic and family life, there have emerged new kinds of conflict, not provided for by tradition. For instance, the marriage institution had witnessed dramatic changes due to Western influence as well as Christianity. Traditional weddings among the Yoruba in the past were always arranged by the families of the bride and groom, they would make inquiries for disease and anything else that could mar the relationship or make it unproductive (Olajubu 1978:51). Today, the marriage institution had been influenced, that we no longer practice arranged marriages, most marriages are based on the choice of the individuals involved.
Among the Yoruba, issues of moral and ethical standards form a major part of their lives. Taboos served as “reminders” and anchors for man to maintain his uprightness both to the divine and human beings. It covers every aspect of Yoruba behaviour and serves to put man on checks. In other words taboos have acted as means of moral, social and economic control and have also helped in regulating the individuals’ behaviour.
Christianity came into Yorubaland in 1841, pioneered through the slaves who were liberated in Sierra Leone. It came accompanied by Western culture and dressed up in European garb. Its influence has been incalculable. The presentation of Christianity to the Yoruba people by the European missionaries did not help in the understanding of the concept of God and purity. It was presented as a new religion with a different God which was unknown and unfamiliar with the Yoruba people. The missionaries could not separate their culture from the Christian ethos and ideals. This made the religion to be foreign to the Yoruba people. The introduction of Christianity to Yorubaland brought about some positive and negative changes to the culture of the people. Education was used as a ‘bait’ to convert to Christianity; people were given Christian names as against the traditional names which expresses their belief in the concept of God. Apart from the Yoruba names, songs, proverbs, prayers and greetings which Yoruba’s used to express their belief were dropped for European ones and so God was presented to them in a
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European understanding and culture (Omotoye 2005:5). Biblical interpretations were done in the English way with no recourse to Yoruba cultural beliefs and context.
However, Christianity has enlarged men’s visions, opened them to new possibilities and in some ways freed them from unnecessary fears. It has given men a progressive outlook and a new sense of personal values; it has also helped to emphasise the belief of the Yoruba in the supreme God, as opposed to a tendency towards polytheism and has impressed upon them the sacredness of human life and human responsibility (Idowau 1966: 209). The change in outlook occasioned by the new religion, has also affected the cults of traditional Yoruba people: the appearance looks conservative but in reality they have undergone many internal changes. There has also been a a shift in moral values (Awolalu and Dopamu 2005:45).
As I conclude this chapter on the Yoruba cultural context, let me reiterate the words of Bolaji Idowu (1966:215) that a vacuum has to some extent been created in the aftermath of colonialism with regards to religion in Yorubaland, and there are contending forces for the filling of the vacuum. Christianity stands the best chance of filling that vacuum because of its compatibility with the Yoruba concept of God, character and purity codes. This however depends as in every age and lands upon the vision, attitude, spiritual stamina and faithfulness of those who are charged with the Christian message that is Christians in Yoruba context and traditions.
On the whole, our discussions show clearly why the Yoruba people of the south western part of Nigeria behaved and reacted the way they did at the advent of the HIV and AIDS problem. The Christians in Yoruba area of Nigeria especially in the three Dioceses of our study: Remo, Ijebu and Ijebu North Dioceses of the Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion) were influenced by the same in their attitude to people living with HIV and AIDS. The Yoruba Christians are able to absorb outside influences without losing the individuality of their culture, hence attitudes and behaviour with respect to health originating from Yoruba culture remained somewhat unchanged or at most modified; this is also revealed in Christian attitudes to PLWHA.
The researcher observed that the concept of God and of purity is not new in Yorubaland, and so the research is to read the Bible especially the Gospel of Luke in the Yoruba context.
99 3.12 Conclusion
This chapter has tried to examine the concept of purity among the Yoruba. It gave an exposition of scholars’ theorization on culture and purity. The chapter has also attempted to discuss Yoruba Sayings on purity and the diverse spheres of purity and stigmatization arising from impurity. It was discovered that purity asserts itself in many aspects of Yoruba traditional life and cannot be rigidly compartmentalized. Stigmatizations in various forms are meted out against those who are considered to be impure or polluted by communal dictates. It is significant that even those who are mentally ill, imbecile and in recent times, live with HIV and AIDS are known to be stigmatized and discriminated against. Aisan (illness) from the Yoruba context as a social concept will help our understanding of the relationship between cultural factors and health problems; it will explore the society’s reaction to ill-health, and also explain the health seeking pattern of the Yoruba people in their cultural environment (Jegede 1994:15). On the whole, looking at diseases and sickness socially will enhance a wholistic view of man in the society.
The perception of illness is affected and influenced by the belief system (Ojo, 1966). In the Yoruba traditional religious system, there are cults which focus on sickness and health; for example there is a cult responsible for the prevention of smallpox (sanponna). Oke (1993) has also argued that most people of the Yoruba nation respond to illness in accordance with their culture.
Among the predominantly rural populace, ill-health is commonly believed to be due to evil machination of witches, sorcerers, deities and ancestors, and this belief system influences the perception of the people about diseases especially HIV and AIDS and also the health seeking behaviour of the people. Saunders (1972:12) is of the opinion that what is recognized as disease or illness is a matter of cultural prescription. Lambo (1993:56) emphasized the essence of cultural elements to health. According to him, African societies have developed indigenous forms of psychotherapy that are very effective and woven around the social fabric of the society. He argues that healing in Africa is an integral part of the society and religion. Jegede (1994:29) expressed a similar view in his work on aisan a social term in Yoruba definition of illness.
However, the study discovered that things are changing due to the influence of Christianity and education. The question then is whether being a Christian having the
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Bible as a resource in the Yoruba Context does or can make a difference to the way Yoruba people respond to HIV and AIDS.
101 CHAPTER FOUR THE LUCAN CONTEXT 4.0 Introduction
To fully understand and present the attitude of Jesus in the Yoruba cultural context, there is the need to explore the cultural background of the times of Jesus, and according to Craffert (2008:78) describe across the historical and cultural gap what it was like in the strangeness, of their world, and how things were in the life of Jesus in Galilee, and how that can be appreciated in a modern world. This chapter examines the purity systems in the Lukan context giving a general overview of the purity codes and laws of the time of Jesus. It specifically outlines the purity maps, lines and boundaries in the Jewish context.
I have taken the freedom to use the term Jewish context despite recent scholarly doubts and arguments about the precise reference of the term Jew. The intended readers of this thesis understand the term to be referring to the Hebrew group that survived until the time of Jesus, the people referred to in the Bible and, otherwise known as Israel and in order not to raise new issues in this research, I stay with the conventional understanding. The chapter also presents the body and boundaries of the time and the classifications of purity and impurity in Luke’s Gospel. It also tries to examine the attitude of Jesus to the purity codes, and ended with the context of Luke and purity issues.