The CDS wheel of Urban Development
3.6 Summary and key conclusions emerging from the literature
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In particular, De Villiers (2009: 155) identifies three key areas of “alliance capability, institutional support and alliance lifecycle” which provide a useful starting point for developing a more detailed assessment framework. It is interesting to note too that De Villiers (2009: 155) acknowledges that more research is required in establishing the context in which the framework can be applied, accepting the differences due to “geographical orientation of relationships, city size, resources applied and the size of the relationship portfolio”. These are important considerations that will be drawn on as the study is amongst eThekwini Municipality, a large well-resourced metropolitan authority in South Africa, and smaller, less- resourced municipalities in Namibia and Malawi.
Beyond the size and complexity, each operates in unique development and planning contexts.
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defining the main strategies for local development”, the distinction made in the literature between strategic planning and the broader area of urban planning was stressed. The defining characteristics of flexibility, longer term orientation and the ability to integrate all aspects of city development, was also emphasized.
What stood out in this review of urban strategic planning, however, was the significance that commentators placed on active citizen engagement in municipal visioning processes and the alignment of municipal government practices with the long-term aspirations of citizens and other key stakeholders. The notion of “collaborative planning” as actively involving residents in decision-making processes, as espoused by Faehnle et al. (2014), was also useful as it provided a frame of reference to measure engagement processes in Namibia and Malawi. Similarly, Robinson’s (2011) interesting observation of not just the portability and mobility of city strategies, but the explicit attempt by cities to adapt and adopt practices to suit the local context provided an opportunity to test the validity of this assertion in the southern African context.
Exactly how this process of learning between cities unfolds formed the basis of the third thematic area in the chapter. In this important section, the terrain of defining exactly what city-to-city learning entails was carefully navigated, noting the difference between city-to-city learning and city-to-city cooperation. Campbell’s (2012a: 9) definition of learning as the acquisition of outside knowledge obtained during “technical visits of professional practitioners who actively seek new knowledge and good practice” in order to improve planning practice was most useful in helping to frame the research.
A quick journey through time to review the history of the rise of city-to city learning was then conducted, followed by a more detailed unpacking of the actual mechanics of city-to-city-learning, as highlighted in the learning literature. Before this was done, however, the elusive concept of the knowledge economy, defined by the World Bank (2008) as involving organizations and people acquiring, creating, disseminating and actively using knowledge for broader socio-economic development, was clarified. This was important to note, as the research suggests that city-to-city learning processes in southern Africa are certainly not well documented, and operate almost as an invisible or underground knowledge economy.
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Using Campbell’s (2012a) seminal study on city-to-city learning as one of the key references, the question of exactly how learning takes place was then explored in-depth, in order to test the concepts of learning typologies, styles of learning and orders of learning. The critical question posed in this section was whether eThekwini Municipality’s approach can be fit into neat and ordered categorizations as defined in the predominantly northern-based literature, or whether it resists such type-casting given the uniqueness of the context in southern Africa. Perhaps the most significant finding from the literature on learning, however, is Campbell’s (2012a: 111) assertion that irrespective of city learning styles, it is the “networks of ties” between key actors that reveal key “clouds of trusts” that is the most critical ingredient for city transformation. The issue of trust and human relationships in city learning processes was identified as a very important theme to be empirically tested in the case study. Similarly, the notion of practitioners sharing a common professional background while working in completely different contexts being a key determinant for successful mutual learning, as suggested by Johnson and Wilson (2009) and Van Ewijk (2012), is yet another key proposition to validate in the case study.
The chapter then considered the fourth theme that explored the role of key stakeholders in the learning process, in an attempt to uncover the pervasive nature of power and how this may influence decision-making. In reviewing the admittedly limited literature on power, geo-politics and city-learning, critical observations stood out. Firstly, from the literature on the role of Local Government Associations in city learning, it was clear that whilst these associations do have a strong influence on the agenda of city learning and offer a platform for exchange and networking, they have to be strengthened considerably before they are able to facilitate city-to-city learning processes themselves (Buis, 2009). This point is critical for the case study, as it implied that a weak ALAN and Malawian Local Government Association (MALGA) meant that the role of the Barcelona-based UCLG will need to be more influential.
Secondly, in reviewing the role of the UCLG, the literature showed that there have been calls for the UCLG to transition to a more strategic apex role, from its current active role in directing learning on the continent. The works of Power (2010) and Clegg (2014) writing on circuits of knowledge and power began to sound some alarm bells in the case study, suggesting that continued and direct involvement in city-to-city learning without a plan to transition to a more coordinating and monitoring role could be construed as the exertion of power relations. From the work of
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Johnson et al. (2012), however, it was interesting to note that the terrain is indeed fluid, dynamic and contested. Platforms could either be created for managerial dominance or could manifest as spaces for exciting transformation. This is a critical observation from the literature, and interestingly the research begins to serve as a catalyst for such change, as it forces the key stakeholders involved in the process to reflect critically about the issue of power and control.
Thirdly, in a review of critical literature in international development, in order to understand the role of the Cities Alliance as an international funder in the program, a gloomy outlook emerges.
Hout (2012), having conducted in-depth research in this field, suggests that most donor agencies have incorrectly depoliticized their efforts and focused on managing programs to achieve measurable results, thereby ignoring the power implications of the very development processes that they are involved in. The southern African case study, it was noted, provided a unique opportunity to begin to test the extent to which this assertion holds true.
The final thematic area in this chapter considered the relationship between the learning and knowledge transfer process and the actual impact that this has on improving the quality of practice.
The results from the literature whilst not extensive, was disappointing with most studies revealing that city-to-city cooperation initiatives showed little developmental impact (De Villiers, 2009).
The urgent need for a robust framework to guide city learning processes clearly emerges. It is the intention of this research project to use the insights gained from the case study – the details of which will be unpacked in the next chapter – to help in the construction of such a framework that will inform design considerations of future African city learning practices.
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