REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2.4 FACTORS AFFECTING IMPLEMENTATION OF MOTHER TONGUE EDUCATION POLICIES
2.4.4 Teachers, Learners and Parents’ Attitudes towards the Use of African Indigenous Languages in Education
26 Amin decreed it a national language of Uganda in 1973 was one of the reasons that led to its rejection by the Ugandan society. Prah (2000) advises that another way of increasing the status of African languages is to make them required subjects and requirements for getting employment. However, Roy-Campbell (2001) observes that in Zimbabwe a pass in Shona merely adds to the number of ‘O’ Levels a student may get and unlike the requirement for English, students do not need to pass Shona in order to get their ‘O’ Level certificates. The question is: How would teachers experience using Shangani as the MOI in a scenario where indigenous languages are not viewed highly or even considered at employment level? This shall be discovered as the research unfolds.
In the highlands of Peru, the parents rejected bilingual education. McNab (1989) reports that the plan was rejected by the parents because they knew that social and economic power was associated with the language of the elite, so they actually approved the teaching of the children in Spanish from the first day in school. Thus, whether or not the Peruvian parents knew the advantages of their children learning through the mother tongue they would not accept it as they were fully aware of the advantages of using the foreign language. The same feelings have been evident in many African people towards mother tongue education. Phillipson (1992) observes that the majority of Africans in former British colonies seem to have the feeling that advocacy for African languages is aimed at relegating them to the periphery. Thus, it is crucial to value African languages at the level of policy because Roy-Campbell (2001) notes that, if at the level of policy and concrete reality African languages are not valued, the common people will not see them as important outside their direct social milieu because they would want a language that would ensure securing employment and financial security.
Incentives attached to a language are critical in ensuring successful MTE policy implementation but there are also equally important factors like the attitudes of the learners, teachers and even parents towards the indigenous languages that may also undermine policy implementation. This is what follows in the ensuing discussion.
2.4.4 Teachers, Learners and Parents’ Attitudes towards the Use of African Indigenous
27 disposition to respond favourably or unfavourably towards an object, person, institution or event.” In this context, an attitude is a disposition to respond favourably or unfavourably towards a language policy. Kadodo et al (2012) therefore say that the user community’s feelings towards a language should be taken seriously as they contribute towards the success or failure of the proposed language policy.
People develop attitudes due to various reasons. Baker (1992) posits instrumental and integrative reasons for stakeholders’ attitudes. Instrumental motivation mirrors pragmatic, utilitarian motives. According to Cook (1996) when one is learning a language for instrumental reasons, the driving force is external and different from how the L1 speakers of the language view it. The instrumental reasons may include learning a language so that one could perform well in the examination, get employment or to gain social recognition. The colonial history of Zimbabwe shows that those with competence in English had an assurance of a better life that is why people developed favourable attitudes to it (Kadodo et al, 2012). These authors further argue that during the same period, the indigenous languages lacked economic empowerment and this affected the user community’s perceptions towards them. Thus, it is clear that the instrumentality of English language made people develop positive attitudes while negative attitudes were developed towards indigenous languages because they were not economically empowered.
The instrumental function of English in South Africa during colonial period led to the development of negative attitudes of learners towards Afrikaans. The children of Soweto were aware that their acceptance of Afrikaans language would limit their chances to enrol for higher education locally and internationally (Herbert, 1992). This led to the Soweto uprising in 1976.
As a direct result of this uprising it became possible for schools to opt for English as sole medium of instruction above primary levels with Afrikaans relegated to the status of a language of study. Also, the imposition of Arabic as an official language in the southern region of Sudan was one of the crucial factors in starting the 17 year long disastrous conflict (Herbert, 1992).
These scenarios are enough evidence that as long as languages do not have the instrumental function they are unlikely to attract positive attitudes from the consumers of the policy. Thus, the issue of attitudes cannot be ignored as it largely determines implementation of a language policy.
The question is: What are the learners, teachers and parents’ perceptions towards the Shangani Language? These have implications on how teachers are likely to experience using Shangani
28 as MOI. As McNab (1989) states, the knowledge by learners that it is prestigious to speak and learn through the official language and that it enables them to access employment, mass media and other written materials, may make them resist mother tongue education. For example, research among the Ibo in Nigeria indicates that, the attitudes of both pupils and their parents are greatly more favourable to English than to Ibo, despite the fact that educational failure is prevalent (Okonkwo, 1983 in Phillipson, 1992). This is because education ensures movement of individuals up the social ladder and school children are fully aware of the language that makes them access good employment. The colonial experience that English was a gatekeeper for employment and that it is still a gatekeeper in post-colonial countries makes many parents have negative attitudes towards the indigenous languages. Meyer (1998) observes that, in a national socio-linguistic context where indigenous languages are marginalised, parents may see that government may have a double agenda in promoting home languages in rural schools while favouring a European language at higher levels of education. He adds that, they may even think that government employees through their superior class position are deceitfully attempting to increase job prospects for their own children. This is an indication that unless indigenous languages in Zimbabwe are made to hold a high expectancy-value that will ensure a good life for consumers, implementing the MTE policy becomes difficult as consumers do not see the efforts to use these languages as genuine.
The attitudes of teachers towards the mother tongue cannot also be taken for granted as they are the primary implementers of the policy. McNab (1989) notes that the success or failure of language in education policies and their implementation can be evaluated at the grassroots level of education, that is, the classroom. Thus, the attitudes of teachers will also determine policy implementation. The instrumental function of languages in Zimbabwe is also known by teachers. Kadodo et al (2012) observe that the English Language has been strongly maintained at the apex of the education curriculum in the Zimbabwean economy. English is also used in the examination of all the subjects in the curriculum except indigenous languages. It remains to be seen if the stakeholders at the three schools have a positive regard of using Shangani as MOI.
It should, however, be noted that language attitudes are not permanent. Attitudes change depending on the situation. Herbert (1992) observes that the attitudes towards Afrikaans in Namibia have fluctuated from rejection (under the German rule) to full acceptance under the South African regime to absolute refutation by the South West Africa People’s Organisation(SWAPO) (which identified it as a language of oppression) and since
29 independence, to more tolerance for Afrikaans again. This shows that if conditions change, attitudes towards a language can change. In the case of mother tongues, people’s negative attitudes towards it can be changed through sensitisation of the user community on the advantages of implementing MTE policies. Through this study, I endeavour to establish the attitudes of the consumers of the 2006 language policy so as to establish the experiences of the primary implementers of the policy, the teachers.
Even if attitudes are positive, they need to be complemented by the availability of both human and material resources and this is what follows in the ensuing discussion.